Submitted in partial fulfilment of the degree: Masters in Development Theory and Policy in the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management at the University of Witwatersrand / South Africa enshrines itself as a democratic developing country that adheres to the principles of good governance and acknowledges the role that civil society participation in state affairs can have. The purpose of this study was to establish the role and effectiveness of NEDLAC’s social dialogue process through evaluating the contribution of civil society participation in the Development Chamber; and to understand the relationship between NEDLAC’s social dialogue model and the World Bank ideology on civil society participation in policy making. The study highlights that NEDLAC remains one of the key vehicles for social dialogue in South Africa and there have been positive contributions by civil society participation in the NEDLAC process. It takes its premise from the ILO model of social dialogue, whilst it also adapts from the World Bank ideology of civil society participation by including civil society in the process, through the Development Chamber. However, the effectiveness of civil society participation in policy making through NEDLAC is at risk due to the impact of the changing socioeconomic environment. In many ways this study highlights contradictions in South Africa’s social dialogue process. The Development Chamber is not being optimally used for its intended purposes as representativity and accountability of the community organisations are a concern; whilst there is an increasingly active civil society, demonstrated by civil unrest, which is not part of this social dialogue process.

Far from signalling the end of social dialogue, the Marikana massacre underscores the importance of refining and adapting existing peak-level negotiating fora such as the National Economic, Development and Labour Council (Nedlac). To ensure social dialogue remains an integral component of the South African policy-making and national decision-making system, social partners rely on a system of consultation and dialogue to build on a shared national vision. Dialogue is accepted as a means of consolidating a young, democratic but deeply divided South African society. It’s also a medium through which to enhance participation in policy formulation and decision-making. The study reaffirms the critical role that social dialogue plays in a developing economy such as South Africa using the case study of the Marikana massacre to illustrate this point. However, through an analysis of official documents and media reports, as well as selected interviews, the study highlights that the effectiveness of social dialogue through a statutory structure such as Nedlac, is at risk of collapse due to the low levels of commitment of the social partners involved in the Council’s processes. The enhanced maturity of collective bargaining in creating a platform for engagement between labour and business is also emphasised through the outcomes of the research. The research recommends an overhaul of social dialogue principles and practices in order to derive benefit from the numerous benefits inherent in social dialogue. / Mini Dissertation (MSocSci)--University of Pretoria 2017. / Sociology / MSocSci / Unrestricted

No description available.

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / Globalisation calls for countries to focus on putting programmes together that seek to improve productivity and competitiveness of enterprises as the only reliable shield against the ever increasing global competition. It is against this background that the National Economic Development and Labour Council (NEDLAC) of South Africa conceived the Workplace Challenge Programme to help meet the challenge of South Africa‟s re-entry into the global market and the need for companies to become more productive and competitive. The purpose of this study was to evaluate the effectiveness of the Workplace Challenge Programme whose objective is to improve productivity and competitiveness of participating firms. The target population for the study was made up of firms who were within the twenty four months implementation period of the Workplace Challenge Programme during December 2010 when the study was conducted. The entire sample frame was targeted because of the manageable size of the number of companies in Workplace Challenge implementation phase. A response rate of 50 per cent was achieved and considered adequate for the purpose of drawing meaningful inference when compared to other survey results. The data were analysed using Microsoft Excel in conjunction with the productivity model which looked at the relationship between goods and services produced and resources used to produce them. The results clearly endorsed the Workplace Challenge Programme as an effective programme that is achieving its primary mandate of improving productivity and competitiveness of participating firms. The Workplace Challenge Programme deserves to be strengthened and expanded to reach even more firms within the South African economy since literature has shown that improving productivity and competitiveness is at the core of improving citizens‟ quality of lives.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans, English and isiZulu / In sy haas om in die globale ekonomie geïntegreer te word, na baie jare van polities-ekonomiese isolasie – en dus volle lidmaatskap van die internasionale gemeenskap te verkry – het die na-apartheid staat die ekonomiese raamwerk van die vryemarkstelsel aanvaar, gebaseer op die beginsels van neo-liberale kapitalisme as sy normatiewe basis om die “nalatenskap van apartheid” aan te spreek. Die aanvaarding van die ekonomiese model van neo-liberale kapitalisme is egter problematies in soverre dit betekenisvol misluk het om na-apartheid Suid-Afrika se mees fundamentele moreel-polities-ekonomiese uitdaging, naamlik armoede, aan te spreek en te oorkom. Hierdie tesis bied ʼn alternatiewe ekonomiese model aan, naamlik uitgebreide korporatisme. Terwyl die neo-liberale ekonomiese model individuele belange beklemtoon (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van outonomie in die ekonomiese sfeer), beklemtoon die korporatistiese model, daarenteen, kollektiewe belange (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van kollektiewe eienaarskap en verantwoordelikheid). Die voorspraak vir uitgebreide korporatisme poog om die volgende aansprake te bewys: 1. Die vryemarkstelsel moet behoue bly, maar een of ander vorm van strategiese ingryping is nodig sodat bepaalde sosio-politieke en ekonomiese doelwitte bereik kan word. 2. Die huidige vorm van korporatisme in Suid-Afrika is “drieledigisme” (ʼn swak vorm van korporatisme). ʼn Uitgebreide korporatistiese politieke ekonomie kan teweeg gebring word deur die instelling van korporasies, die instelling van ʼn ekonomiese wetgewende gesagsliggaam, arbeidshowe en gesentraliseerde salarisonderhandelinge. 3. Uitgebreide korporatisme kan Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese probleme aanspreek. Transformasie kan bevorder word deur ʼn paradigmaverskuiwing weg van die liberale kapitalisme, ʼn magsverskuiwing weg van die wit kapitalistiese enklave en ʼn verspreidingsverskuiwing ten gunste van die swart verarmde laerklasse. 4. Alle ekonomiese sektore en private industrieë en bedrywe moet onder die beheer van korporasies gebring word. Die staat en arbeid moet vennote by private industrieë en bedrywe word. Op dieselfde wyse moet kapitaal ʼn vennoot by staatsondernemings word. In konklusie, die aanvaarding van uitgebreide korporatisme in Suid-Afrika sal verseker dat die staat, kapitaal en arbeid saamwerk en dat ekonomiese geregtigheid en harmonie sal seëvier. / In its haste to be integrated into the global economy, following many years of political-economic isolation – and thus assume full membership in the international community – the post-apartheid state adopted the economic framework of the free market system, based on the principles of neoliberal capitalism as its normative foundation for addressing the “legacy of apartheid”. The adoption of the economic model of neoliberal capitalism has, however, proved to be problematic insofar as it has failed significantly to address and thus overcome post-apartheid South Africa‟s most fundamental moral-political-economic challenge, namely poverty. This thesis offers an alternative economic model, namely extended corporatism. While the neoliberal economic model emphasises individual interest (based on the philosophical principle of autonomy in the economic sphere), the corporatist model, in contrast, emphasises collective interest (based on the philosophical principle of collective ownership and responsibility). The advocacy of extended corporativism is based on the following key claims: 1. The free market system must be retained, but some form of strategic intervention is necessary so that certain socio-political and economic results can be achieved. 2. The current form of corporatism in South Africa is in fact tripartism (a weak form of corporatism). An extended corporatist political economy can by brought about by the implementation of corporations, the establishment of an economic legislative body, labour courts and centralised wage bargaining. 3. Extended corporatism can address South Africa‟s socio-economic problems. Transformation can be promoted by a paradigm shift away from liberal capitalism, a power shift away from the white capitalist enclave and a distribution shift in favour of the black impoverished lower classes. 4. All economic sectors as well as private industries and businesses must be brought under the control of corporations. The state and labour must become partners in private industries and businesses. In the same way capital must become a partner in state enterprises. In conclusion, the adoption of extended corporatism in South Africa will ensure that state, capital and labour work together and that economic justice and harmony will prevail. / Ekuxhamezeleni kombuso owasungulwa emva kokuphela kobandlululo kuleli, ngenjongo yokuthi udidiyelwe emnothweni womhlaba, kulandela iminyaka eminingi ukhishwe inyumbazana kwezepolitiki nakwezomnotho – futhi ukuze uthathe indawo yawo njengelungu eligcwele lomphakathi wamazwe ngamazwe – waqoka ukwamukela nokusebenzisa uhlaka lwezomnotho lohlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile, olwakhelwe phezu kwemigomo yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, njengesisekelo-nkambiso sayo sokubhekana “nokhondolo lobandlululo”. Kodwa-ke, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kwemodeli yezomnotho yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, sekubonise ukuba yinkinga impela njengoba sekuhluleke kwancama ukunqoba inselele enkulukazi eNingizimu Afrika selokhu kwaphela ubandlululo, yokuqinisekisa ukubhekelelwa komuntu wonke, ephathelene nezepolitiki kanye nezomnotho, okuyinselele yobubha. Lo mbhalo wetisisi uhlinzeka ngemodeli yezomnotho ehlukile engasetshenziswa, futhi leyo modeli wubukopeletsheni obeluliwe (extended corporatism). Njengoba inqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zomuntu ngamunye, (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yokuzimela kwezomnotho), imodeli yobukopeletsheni ngakolunye uhlangothi yona igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zabantu ngokuhlanganyela (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yobunikazi obuhlanganyelwe kanye nesibopho esihlanganyelwe). Ukwesekwa kanye nokukhuthazwa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe kusekelwe phezu kwalezi zitatimende ezisemqoka: 1. Uhlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile kumele lugcinwe, kodwa-ke kuyadingeka ukungenelela okuthile okukhethekile ukuze kuzuzwe imiphumela ethile yezenhlalo-politiki kanye nezomnotho. 2. Uhlobo lobukopeletsheni olukhona njengamanje kuleli, eqinisweni, luwubukopeletsheni obungunxantathu (obubandakanya isivumelwano phakathi kwabaqashi, izinyunyana zabasebenzi kanye nohulumeni), i-tripartism (okuwuhlobo lobukopeletsheni oluntekenteke kakhulu). Umnotho wezepolitiki oncike kubukopeletsheni obeluliwe ungalethwa ngokuqaliswa kokopeletsheni, nangokusungulwa kwenhlangano eshaya imithetho ephathelene nezomnotho, nezinkantolo zabasebenzi kanye nokuxoxisana ngamaholo okwenziwa esigcawini esisodwa esibandakanya zonke izinhlaka ezithintekayo. 3. Ubukopeletsheni obeluliwe bungazixazulula izinkinga zenhlalo-mnotho ezibhekene neNingizimu Afrika. Uguquko lungagqugquzeleka ngokuthi kuphunywe kwinqubo ekhululekile yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe, futhi kuphunywe ngaphansi kwenqubo yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe abamhlophe, kuguqukelwe emnothweni obhekelela abantu abamnyama abasemazingeni aphansi ababhuqabhuqwa wububha nenhlupheko. 4. Yonke imikhakha yomnotho kanjalo nezimboni namabhizinisi azimele kumele kufakwe ngaphansi kolawulo lokopeletsheni. Umbuso kanye nabasebenzi kumele babambisane nezimboni namabhizinisi. Ngendlela efanayo, ogombelakwesakhe nabo kumele babambisane namabhizinisi ombuso. Uma sengiphetha, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe eNingizimu Afrika kuyoqinisekisa ukuthi umbuso, ogombelakwesakhe kanye nabasebenzi basebenza ngokubambisana futhi kanjalo lokho kuyoletha ubulungiswa bezomnotho kanye nokuzwana. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)