Thesis (PhD)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this study the aim is to examine what the impact of the imbalance in the power dynamics between the state, business and labour is on corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea. In both countries, the corporatist institutions have failed to bring the actors together and to resolve the various issues as these institutions were expected to do. When looking at the establishment of corporatist institutions in the two countries it is clear that the state had to incorporate the interests of labour in their decision-making process due to the increasing power of labour during the democratisation process. However, the current situation proves that the corporatist institutions in South Africa and South Korea have faced various problems. Therefore why the corporatist institutions in the two countries have not functioned properly is explored in this study. It was found that labour has been placed at a disadvantage compared to the state and business. The influence of labour as an agenda setter and a representative of labour has diminished. On the other hand the state and business, which used to form a coalition under the authoritarian governments, have started gaining power along with globalisation. The adoption of neo-liberal economic policies, has resulted in the fragmentation of labour, generating unemployment and irregular jobs. The imbalance of power between the actors has negatively affected the corporatist institutions. Under the circumstances, the corporatist institutions did not ensure that the voice of labour was heard and heeded. Instead of using corporatism, labour in South Africa tends to use the tripartite alliance in order to advance its interests. Labour in South Korea is likely to use mass action, and this tendency prevails in South Africa as well. Also, the corporatist institutions have been criticised due to their lack of accountability and institutional problems; this has negatively affected their credibility. The corporatist institutions have become little more than names. In the cases of South Africa and South Korea, corporatism seems to have been adopted as a mere crisis response when the two countries faced political economic crises and it is seen as another control mechanism created by states experiencing democratisation. Furthermore, the imbalance in the relationship between actors negatively affected the corporatist institutions and in the end they collapsed. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: In hierdie studie word die impak van die magsbalans tussen die staat, sakesektor en georganiseerde arbeid op korporatisme in Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea ondersoek. In beide gevalle het die korporatiewe instellings nie daarin geslaag om die nodige konsensus tussen die drie sleutel akteurs te bewerkstellig nie. As gevolg van demokratiseringsprosesse in beide state, en die toenemende invloed van arbeid, was die staat verplig om die belange van arbeid in besluitnemingsprosesse in ag te neem. Die korporatiewe instellings in Suid-Afrika, nl. NEDLAC en die KTC in Suid-Korea staar egter verskeie probleme in die gesig, Waarom die korporatiewe instellings nie behoorlik gefunksioneer het nie, word in die studie onder die loep geneem. Arbeid het in ‘n onderdanige posisie jeens die staat en die sake sektor te staan gekom aangesien die invloed van georganiseerde arbeid as ‘n agenda skepper en verteenwoordiger van arbeid afgeneem het. Aan die ander kant het die aanvanklike koalisie tussen die staat en die sakesektor gedurende die outoritere periodes - voor demokratisering - weer eens verstewig as gevolg van die invloed van globalisering. Namate neo-liberale ekonomiese beleide nagevolg is, het die vakbond beweging al meer gedisintegreer, werkloosheid het toegeneem en gelei tot werksgeleenthede wat al meer tydelik en ongereguleer is. Die ongelyke magsbalans tussen die rolspelers het die korporatistiese instellings negatief beinvloed. Onder die omstandighede, kon die korporatistiese instellings nie daarin slaag om aan die stem van arbeid gehoor te gee soos wat gehoop is nie. In plaas daarvan om dus van die korporatistiese instellings gebruik te maak, het arbeid in Suid-Afrika eerder van die vakbond beweging se rol in die regerende alliansie gebruik gemaak om beleid te probeer beinvloed. Arbeid in Suid-Korea, soos in Suid-Afrika, is ook meer geneig om van massa aksie gebruik te maak. Daarbenewens is die korporatiewe instellings daarvan beskuldig dat hulle nie deursigtig is nie en gebuk gaan onder institutionele gebreke, wat die geloofwaardigheid van die instellings ondermyn het. In die Suid-Afrikaanse en Suid-Koreaanse gevalle blyk dit dat korporatisme bloot as ‘n soort ‘krisis reaksie’ tot ekonomiese en politieke probleme ontwikkel het – in samehang met demokratisering - en nie as diepgaande beieldsprosesse in eie reg nie. Die gebrek aan ‘n magsbalans tussen die drie rolspelers het daartoe gelei dat die korporatiewe instellings in beide gevalle effektief tot niet gekom het.

Text in Afrikaans with abstracts in Afrikaans, English and isiZulu / In sy haas om in die globale ekonomie geïntegreer te word, na baie jare van polities-ekonomiese isolasie – en dus volle lidmaatskap van die internasionale gemeenskap te verkry – het die na-apartheid staat die ekonomiese raamwerk van die vryemarkstelsel aanvaar, gebaseer op die beginsels van neo-liberale kapitalisme as sy normatiewe basis om die “nalatenskap van apartheid” aan te spreek. Die aanvaarding van die ekonomiese model van neo-liberale kapitalisme is egter problematies in soverre dit betekenisvol misluk het om na-apartheid Suid-Afrika se mees fundamentele moreel-polities-ekonomiese uitdaging, naamlik armoede, aan te spreek en te oorkom. Hierdie tesis bied ʼn alternatiewe ekonomiese model aan, naamlik uitgebreide korporatisme. Terwyl die neo-liberale ekonomiese model individuele belange beklemtoon (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van outonomie in die ekonomiese sfeer), beklemtoon die korporatistiese model, daarenteen, kollektiewe belange (gebaseer op die filosofiese beginsel van kollektiewe eienaarskap en verantwoordelikheid). Die voorspraak vir uitgebreide korporatisme poog om die volgende aansprake te bewys: 1. Die vryemarkstelsel moet behoue bly, maar een of ander vorm van strategiese ingryping is nodig sodat bepaalde sosio-politieke en ekonomiese doelwitte bereik kan word. 2. Die huidige vorm van korporatisme in Suid-Afrika is “drieledigisme” (ʼn swak vorm van korporatisme). ʼn Uitgebreide korporatistiese politieke ekonomie kan teweeg gebring word deur die instelling van korporasies, die instelling van ʼn ekonomiese wetgewende gesagsliggaam, arbeidshowe en gesentraliseerde salarisonderhandelinge. 3. Uitgebreide korporatisme kan Suid-Afrika se sosio-ekonomiese probleme aanspreek. Transformasie kan bevorder word deur ʼn paradigmaverskuiwing weg van die liberale kapitalisme, ʼn magsverskuiwing weg van die wit kapitalistiese enklave en ʼn verspreidingsverskuiwing ten gunste van die swart verarmde laerklasse. 4. Alle ekonomiese sektore en private industrieë en bedrywe moet onder die beheer van korporasies gebring word. Die staat en arbeid moet vennote by private industrieë en bedrywe word. Op dieselfde wyse moet kapitaal ʼn vennoot by staatsondernemings word. In konklusie, die aanvaarding van uitgebreide korporatisme in Suid-Afrika sal verseker dat die staat, kapitaal en arbeid saamwerk en dat ekonomiese geregtigheid en harmonie sal seëvier. / In its haste to be integrated into the global economy, following many years of political-economic isolation – and thus assume full membership in the international community – the post-apartheid state adopted the economic framework of the free market system, based on the principles of neoliberal capitalism as its normative foundation for addressing the “legacy of apartheid”. The adoption of the economic model of neoliberal capitalism has, however, proved to be problematic insofar as it has failed significantly to address and thus overcome post-apartheid South Africa‟s most fundamental moral-political-economic challenge, namely poverty. This thesis offers an alternative economic model, namely extended corporatism. While the neoliberal economic model emphasises individual interest (based on the philosophical principle of autonomy in the economic sphere), the corporatist model, in contrast, emphasises collective interest (based on the philosophical principle of collective ownership and responsibility). The advocacy of extended corporativism is based on the following key claims: 1. The free market system must be retained, but some form of strategic intervention is necessary so that certain socio-political and economic results can be achieved. 2. The current form of corporatism in South Africa is in fact tripartism (a weak form of corporatism). An extended corporatist political economy can by brought about by the implementation of corporations, the establishment of an economic legislative body, labour courts and centralised wage bargaining. 3. Extended corporatism can address South Africa‟s socio-economic problems. Transformation can be promoted by a paradigm shift away from liberal capitalism, a power shift away from the white capitalist enclave and a distribution shift in favour of the black impoverished lower classes. 4. All economic sectors as well as private industries and businesses must be brought under the control of corporations. The state and labour must become partners in private industries and businesses. In the same way capital must become a partner in state enterprises. In conclusion, the adoption of extended corporatism in South Africa will ensure that state, capital and labour work together and that economic justice and harmony will prevail. / Ekuxhamezeleni kombuso owasungulwa emva kokuphela kobandlululo kuleli, ngenjongo yokuthi udidiyelwe emnothweni womhlaba, kulandela iminyaka eminingi ukhishwe inyumbazana kwezepolitiki nakwezomnotho – futhi ukuze uthathe indawo yawo njengelungu eligcwele lomphakathi wamazwe ngamazwe – waqoka ukwamukela nokusebenzisa uhlaka lwezomnotho lohlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile, olwakhelwe phezu kwemigomo yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, njengesisekelo-nkambiso sayo sokubhekana “nokhondolo lobandlululo”. Kodwa-ke, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kwemodeli yezomnotho yenqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe, sekubonise ukuba yinkinga impela njengoba sekuhluleke kwancama ukunqoba inselele enkulukazi eNingizimu Afrika selokhu kwaphela ubandlululo, yokuqinisekisa ukubhekelelwa komuntu wonke, ephathelene nezepolitiki kanye nezomnotho, okuyinselele yobubha. Lo mbhalo wetisisi uhlinzeka ngemodeli yezomnotho ehlukile engasetshenziswa, futhi leyo modeli wubukopeletsheni obeluliwe (extended corporatism). Njengoba inqubo-mnotho ekhululekile yogombelakwesakhe igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zomuntu ngamunye, (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yokuzimela kwezomnotho), imodeli yobukopeletsheni ngakolunye uhlangothi yona igcizelela izidingo nezimfuno zabantu ngokuhlanganyela (ezisekelwe phezu komgomo wefilosofi yobunikazi obuhlanganyelwe kanye nesibopho esihlanganyelwe). Ukwesekwa kanye nokukhuthazwa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe kusekelwe phezu kwalezi zitatimende ezisemqoka: 1. Uhlelo-kuhwebelana olukhululekile kumele lugcinwe, kodwa-ke kuyadingeka ukungenelela okuthile okukhethekile ukuze kuzuzwe imiphumela ethile yezenhlalo-politiki kanye nezomnotho. 2. Uhlobo lobukopeletsheni olukhona njengamanje kuleli, eqinisweni, luwubukopeletsheni obungunxantathu (obubandakanya isivumelwano phakathi kwabaqashi, izinyunyana zabasebenzi kanye nohulumeni), i-tripartism (okuwuhlobo lobukopeletsheni oluntekenteke kakhulu). Umnotho wezepolitiki oncike kubukopeletsheni obeluliwe ungalethwa ngokuqaliswa kokopeletsheni, nangokusungulwa kwenhlangano eshaya imithetho ephathelene nezomnotho, nezinkantolo zabasebenzi kanye nokuxoxisana ngamaholo okwenziwa esigcawini esisodwa esibandakanya zonke izinhlaka ezithintekayo. 3. Ubukopeletsheni obeluliwe bungazixazulula izinkinga zenhlalo-mnotho ezibhekene neNingizimu Afrika. Uguquko lungagqugquzeleka ngokuthi kuphunywe kwinqubo ekhululekile yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe, futhi kuphunywe ngaphansi kwenqubo yomnotho wogombelakwesakhe abamhlophe, kuguqukelwe emnothweni obhekelela abantu abamnyama abasemazingeni aphansi ababhuqabhuqwa wububha nenhlupheko. 4. Yonke imikhakha yomnotho kanjalo nezimboni namabhizinisi azimele kumele kufakwe ngaphansi kolawulo lokopeletsheni. Umbuso kanye nabasebenzi kumele babambisane nezimboni namabhizinisi. Ngendlela efanayo, ogombelakwesakhe nabo kumele babambisane namabhizinisi ombuso. Uma sengiphetha, ukwamukelwa nokusetshenziswa kobukopeletsheni obeluliwe eNingizimu Afrika kuyoqinisekisa ukuthi umbuso, ogombelakwesakhe kanye nabasebenzi basebenza ngokubambisana futhi kanjalo lokho kuyoletha ubulungiswa bezomnotho kanye nokuzwana. / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / D. Litt. et Phil. (Philosophy)