The aim of the study is to analyze the representation of isiXhosa traditional culture through the coverage on media coverage as the topic suggests following a legal battle on the removal of the remains of Mandela‘s children in the year 2013. The online news articles selected in this study covered issues since Mandela was in and out of hospital. The articles covered are those of local newspaper, The Herald-online- as it is based in the Eastern Cape and has covered more on the traditional beliefs, understanding and following such rituals. The aim of the study is to explore and describe the perceptions and experiences of people around the family feud and the legal battle on the removal of those remains. It will also emphasize on the representation of the media on this problem and how Xhosa tradition can be affected and also compare other newspaper articles on their coverage.

M.A. (Communication) / The two research questions explored in this study are: a) What is the potential effectiveness of Mandela's rhetorical choices in the light of the primary and media audiences and the situation, in the selected speeches and visual material? b) What rhetorical shifts occurred in the speeches delivered between 1990 and 1994? In view of the fact that this study is political in nature and falls within the parameters of political communication, the field of political communication as it relates to rhetoric and public speaking specifically, was discussed. The nucleus of Aristotle's theory of rhetoric was discussed in conjunction with modern theories and research, with the purpose of establishing theoretical grounds for effective political oratory. To explore the two research questions, the neo-Aristotelian model of rhetorical criticism was utilised. By using this model it was possible to measure the effectiveness or potential effectiveness of Nelson Mandela's choice of strategy in the series of speeches and visual material selected. The model also prescribes a methodology whereby the important variables in political oratory are measured, including language, the credibility of the speaker, emotional strategies, logical argumentation, organisation and nonverbal behaviour. For purposes of evaluation the model prescribes an ideal model of persuasion. The ancient and modern rhetorical theory discussed in the study was utilised to construct standards by which Mandela's speeches were evaluated. The model also enabled the critic to focus on the speaker, Nelson Mandela and his political messages, while considering the rhetorical transaction, including the audiences and situation as a whole. The primary audience considered in this study consists of the mainly black supporters of the ANC who received Mandela's political messages at mass rallies. It was determined that this audience had a positive orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. Important national media audiences were also fsolated and include Whites, Indians, Coloureds, the IFP and the PAC. These audiences maintained a more negative orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. The international community in general was also considered.

Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. / Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 / Exclusive Part 1

It presents a profound paradox that the end of formal apartheid in South Africa and the political ascendancy of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress have also signalled the disintegration of people’s power and the marginalisation of a once formidable anti-capitalist Left. Those who refused to be defeated and insisted that a better world was still possible asked anew, What is to be done? Their answer was to build a new Independent Left, using the Non-Governmental Organisation as their primary tool. This dissertation examines two leftist NGOs with distinct political approaches to organising, which have shaped formal anti-capitalist strategies in Cape Town over the past decade. The Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC), an activist space, policy think-tank, and alternative media centre, has aimed to restore the politics of the united front by bringing together employed and unemployed workers to lead a new eco-socialist Left alternative. Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU), an activist research and legal centre focusing on housing in the inner city, has fostered an inspiring movement of building occupiers and aimed to deconstruct the legacy of the apartheid city. Through a militant commitment to this wider Independent Left community, I have accompanied these organisations in their efforts, seeking to understand the role they can play in improving society. This dissertation investigates the central question of how to effectively utilize NGOs in the struggle for freedom and equality within the context of neoliberal capitalism. It has become clear that intellectual genealogies and ideological fortitude have laid the political foundation of these projects. Combined with the NGO’s formal and hierarchical structure, key themes that define the practices of these organisations have emerged. Matters of dependency and control, as well as organising and leadership, have been crucial features of these projects. This has engendered tensions within the organisations between technocratic and intellectual modes of rule, as well as resistance to these governing structures. Taken together, this analysis provides a window into the possibilities and limitations that these organisational tools offer for radically reimagining our world.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / After 1994, South African foreign policymakers faced the challenge of reintegrating a country, isolated for many years as a result of the previous government’s apartheid policies, into the international system. In the process of transforming South Africa's foreign identity from a pariah state to a respected international player, some commentators contend that presidents Mandela and Mbeki were informed by two contrasting theories of International Relations (IR), namely, idealism and realism, respectively. In light of the above-stated popular assumptions and interpretations of the foreign policies of Presidents Mandela and Mbeki, this study is motivated by the primary aim to investigate the classification of their foreign policy within the broader framework of IR theory. This is done by sketching a brief overview of the IR theories of idealism, realism and constructivism, followed by an analysis of the foreign policies of these two statesmen in order to identify some of the principles that underpin them. Two case studies – Mandela's response to the ‘two Chinas’ question and Mbeki's policy of ‘quiet diplomacy’ towards Zimbabwe – are employed to highlight apparent irregularities with the two leaders’ perceived general foreign policy thrusts. It takes the form of a comparative study, and is conducted within the qualitative paradigm, with research based on secondary sources. The findings show that, although the overarching foreign policy principles of these two former presidents can largely be understood on the basis of particular theoretical approaches, they neither acted consistently according to the assumptions of idealism or realism that are ascribed to them. The conclusion drawn is thus that categorising the foreign policies of presidents Mandela and Mbeki as idealist and realist, respectively, results in a simplistic understanding of the perspectives that inform these two statesmen, as well as the complexity of factors involved in foreign policymaking. More significantly, it is unhelpful in developing a better understanding of South Africa's foreign policy in the post-1994 period.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2001. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Following FW De Klerk's decision on the 2nd of February 1990 to unban black liberation movements, release of Mandela from prison and the uplifting of the state of emergence, a process of irreversible change was set in motion in South Africa. This process of change was captured in the four-year dramatic series of negotiations sometimes referred to as 'talks about talks' and the real negotiations at Kempton Park, which ensued immediately after De Klerk's ground-breaking speech in 1990. The negotiations ultimately resulted in the i~interim constitution of 1993 which served as the basis for the 1994 elections. The election in turn ushered South Africa into a new epoch of an electoral democracy characterised by most of the ingredients of a normal democracy. The new born "electoral democracy" met the seven conditional institutions/ principles for a polyarchy as prescribed by . Robert Dahl, namely universal suffrage; free and fair elections; right to run public office; freedom of expression; right to access information; freedom to form organizations of great variety and responsiveness of the government to voters and election outcomes. But the key question relates to its consolidation - is it consolidating? Responding to this question is the gist of this not-so comprehensive comparative thesis, whose particular focus is the presidency in the new South Africa - both of Mandela and Mbeki. This is done through the help of the both institutional as well as socio-economic approaches to democracy. That is, 'without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible' (Linz and Stepan .1996.p14) and without favourable socio-economic conditions, democratic institutions are unlikely to endure and consolidate. The institutional analysis puts under spotlight the presidency and decision-making trends, specifically the National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) for the Mandela's presidential era and the Policy Co-ordination Advisory Services (PCAS) Unit for the Mbeki's. On socio-economics it looks at how Mandela and Mbeki dealt with the inequality problem issue. This study will not deal with issues such as ethnic heterogeneity or class issues in relation to consolidation of democracy, except insofar as they illustrate something about policies on inequalities. It eventually assesses the implications for the consolidation of democracy in the new South Africa by contrasting Mandela and Mbeki's approaches to the economy i.e. Mandela's ROP and Nedlac and Mbeki's GEAR and International Investment Council. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: 'n Proses van onomkeerbare verandering in Suid-Afrika is in werking gestel met FW de Klerk se besluit op 2 Februarie 1990 om die bevrydingsbewegings te ontban, Mandela en ander politieke gevangenis vry te laat en die noodtoestand op te hef. Dié proses van verandering het op 'n vier jaarlange onderhandelingsproses uitgeloop wat aanvanklik getipeer was as "gesprekke oor gesprekke" en daarna die ware onderhandelings wat by Kemptonpark plaasgevind het. Hierdie onderhandelings het gelei tot die formulering van die interim grondwet van 1993 wat die basis gevorm het vir die eerste inklusiewe verkiesing in Suid-Afrika in 1994. Hierdie verkiesing het Suid-Afrika op die pad van 'n elektorale demokrasie geplaas wat die vereiste vir alle normale demokrasieë is. Hierdie elektorale stelsel in Suid-Afrika voldoen aan al Robert Dahl se sewe vereistes vir 'n poliargie, te wete algemene stemreg, vrye en regverdige verkiesings, die reg om aan openbare instellings deel te neem, die vryheid van spraak, die reg tot inligting, die vryheid om organisasies te vorm wat betrekking het op die verkiesingsproses. AI hierdie vereistes is noodsaaklik, maar nie noodwendig voldoende om 'n demokrasie te konsolideer nie. Die vraag is dus of Suid-Afrika konsolideer. Om hierdie vraag te beantwoord vereis 'n omvattende ondersoek. Hierdie tesis is egter meer beskeie en sal slegs konsentreer op die rol van die presidentskap in Suid-Afrika - Mandela en Mbeki, en te bepaal of die style wat hulle gevolg het en die beleide wat hulle toegepas het konsolidasie in die hand werk of nie. Daar sal gekyk word na die institusionele aspekte van die presidentskap se besluitnemingstrukture asook na enkele sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat relevant vir demokratisering is. Die aanname in hierdie tesis was "without appropriate state institutions, democracy is not possible" (Linz & Stepan. 1996), maar sonder gunstige ekonomiese toestande (Przeworski en andere 1996), is die kanse dat 'n demokrasie volhoubaar is gering. Die instellings wat beskryf en ontleed word wat op die president se besluitnemingstyle dui is die National Economic Development and Labour Council (Nedlac) wat Mandela betref en die Policy Coordination Advisory Services (PCAS) wat Mbeki betref. Die sosio-ekonomiese aspekte wat ondersoek is handel in beide gevalle met hoe hierdie presidente die ongelykheids-problematiek in Suid-Afrika aangespreek het wat ook op nasiebou betrekking het. Hierdie studie sluit kwessies soos etniese heterogeniteit en die klassedebat uit, behalwe in soverre dit betrekking het op besluitneming en die hantering van ongelykheid. Die implikasies vir konsolidasie word uitgespel.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2003. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis deals with nation-building in South Africa since 1994 with a view to finding out the direction taken by nation-building since then. This issue has been and it still is a controversial issue in South Africa. The new dispensation in South Africa occasioned a need for the creation of new national institutions, leaders and policies for the nation. Hence, an inclusive/liberal nation-building programme was put in place. Since 1994 this programme has been carried out by two presidents, namely former president Mandela (1994-1999) and President Mbeki (1999-2002+) respectively. Nevertheless, these two leaders do not only subscribe to different philosophies but also have two divergent approaches to nation-building. Although they are both individualists, Mandela is Charterist whereas Mbeki is an Africanist. Moreover, Mandela promoted nation-building through reconciliation and corporatism. Mbeki's approach to nation-building, on the contrary, emphasises transformation and empowerment through the market. These approaches seem contradictory and thus mutually exclusive. This does not augur weU for fragile democracy of South Africa. Therefore, an attempt will be made to find out whether this is true and thus finding out the direction taken by nationbuilding. This will be done by comparing the Mandela and Mbeki approaches to nation-building. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk handeloor nasiebou in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994, met die doelom die tendense sedertdien te bepaal. Dit was en is steeds 'n kontroversiële kwessie in Suid- Afrika. Die nuwe bedeling in Suid-Afrika het dit noodsaaklik gemaak dat nuwe instellings, leiers en beleide in die nasie tot stand sal kom. Daar is vervolgens op 'n inklusiewe/liberale nasiebou program besluit. Sedert 1994 was dit uitgevoer onder die leierskap van twee presidente, te wete Mandela (1994-1999) en Mbeki (1999-2002+) respektiewelik. Dié twee leiers onderskryf verskillende filosofieë en het ook verskillende benaderings tot nasiebou. Beide is individualiste, en Mandela die Charteris terwyl Mbeki weer die Afrikanis is. Meer spesifiek, Mandela het nasiebou bevorder deur versoening en korporatisme te bevorder. Mbeki aan die ander kant, plaas weer klem op transformasie en bemagtiging deur die mark. Hierdie benaderings skyn teenstrydig te wees. Daarom is 'n poging aangewend om te bepaal hoe insiggewend die verskille is en wat die tendense is. Moontlik spel dit niks goeds vir die nuwe demokrasie nie. Dit is gedoen deur Mandela en Mbeki sistematies te vergelyk.

Dissertation (PhD)--University of Stellenbosch, 2004. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Since the late 1940s, South Africa and South Korea were ruled by authoritarian governments, which oppressed the people’s freedom and rights. The governments created the deeply divided societies that resulted in racism in South Africa and regionalism in South Korea. These similarities may have played a major role in allowing Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung to develop strong emotional bonds with their followers and to articulate their visions for the future. The two leaders, Nelson Mandela and Kim Dae-jung, fought for freedom and human rights against the apartheid government in South Africa and military dictatorial government in South Korea. During these processes of democratisation, the two leaders displayed common transformational and social learning leadership styles and presented their visions of the end of the authoritarian regimes and the establishment of democracy; shared these visions with the people and encouraged and mobilised them in struggling together against authoritarian government. Subsequently, the two leaders’ transformational and social learning leadership styles provide a successful role model to countries in which there are conflicts between the constituents of the society, as in East Asia, Sub-Saharan Africa and Middle East; a desire for transformation towards democracy by the people, and where countries are confronted with new challenges. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Beide Suid-Afrika en Suid-Korea was sedert die laat 1940’s onder die bewind van outoritêre regerings met gepaardgaande onderdrukking van die mense se vryhede en regte. Dié regerings het diep-verdeelde gemeenskappe daar gestel wat in Suid-Afrika op rassisme en in Suid-Korea op regionalisme uitgeloop het. Hierdie ooreenkomste mag grootliks daartoe bygedra het dat beide Nelosn Mandela en Kim Dae-jung sterk emosionele verbintenisse met hul volgelinge kon ontwikkel en hul toekomsvisies kon artikuleer. Die twee leiers, Nelson Mandela en Kim Dae-jung, het onderskeidelik teen die apartheidsregering in Suid-Afrika en die militêre diktatuur in Suid-Korea geveg vir vryheid en menseregte. Gedurende hierdie demokratiseringsprosesse het die twee leiers gemeenskaplike transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle openbaar, hulle visies oor die beëindiging van outoritêre regimes en die vestiging van demokrasie bekend gemaak en die mense aangemoedig tot en gemobiliseer vir strydvoering teen die outoritêre regerings. Gevolglik verskaf hierdie twee leiers se transformasie en sosiale leer leierskapstyle ‘n geslaagde rolmodel vir alle lande waar daar konflik binne gemeenskappe bestaan, soos in Oos-Asië, Suid-Sahara Afrika asook die Midde-Ooste; lande waar die mense smag na transformasie tot demokrasie en lande wat hulleself met nuwe uitdagings gekonfronteer vind.

Thesis (MPhil (Afrikaans and Dutch))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006). / Nelson Mandela’s autobiography, ‘Long walk to freedom’, can be viewed as a milestone in South African history. Although it is not necessarily significant in a literary sense, it played an important role in making many South Africans aware of another side to their country’s history, and introduced them to a man who, besides being the world’s most famous political prisoner and a respected statesman, is also an ordinary human being. The Afrikaans translation of the autobiography, Lang pad na vryheid, formed part of a project to translate the original document into all the languages of South Africa (three other translations have been completed thus far). This project is discussed in relation to the ideological motive for it, and also in relation to the ideological position of Afrikaans in South Africa and the ideology and poetics of the translator. The study is based on a descriptive approach, specifically as manifested in the manipulation theory of André Lefevere. It attempts to place the translation of autobiography as a genre within translation theory, and suggests that the translator of autobiography has little ‘leeway’ with regard to the application of translation strategies, specifically those that change the original narrator’s ‘voice’. The various ways in which the text has been ‘manipulated’ in the production of its translation, both to make it function as a text in the target language and in ways that cannot always be justified on that basis, lead to the conclusion that it is very difficult to translate autobiography without interfering with the very personal telling of a person’s life story by that person, and without modulating the narration in a way that cannot always be reconciled with the autobiographer’s ideology. The modulation of the autobiographer’s voice, whether this takes place consciously, subconsciously or unconsciously, is finally argued to produce a translation that can no longer be viewed as the autobiography of Nelson Mandela in the strict sense.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T18:24:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Guilene Detimermane de Souza Candia.pdf: 646049 bytes, checksum: 89ed730a7017f0a430c459439c2ec3ed (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-17 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / This master's thesis concerns the research, under the critical and pragmatic perspective, the conceptual and linguistic metaphors that have the effect of the bearer of ideology and strategy of civility in political discourse. It was the study of the opening address of the South African leader, Nelson Mandela Rolihlahla, pronounced in the occasion of his entrance into the office as President of South Africa on 10 May 1994 in the city of Johannesburg, capital of that country. The speech was sharp in English language, but for the analysis, we used the Portuguese translation, interpreting the ideological occurrences in it. The option for this speech was because we believe it has been a landmark of changes in the history of that country. The approach of the Metaphor in Use assumes that even the metaphor is a figure of thought, which is conceptual. It manifests itself in scope of language in use, and it is from the discursive context that it can most be understood. This dissertation, therefore, fits into the approach of Metaphor in Use and in the Theory of Conceptual Metaphor. First, for analyzing the pragmatic meaning of metaphors, that is, its meaning within the specific socio-historical context, and secondly for appraising the reality by meaning of metaphors. Considering these theoretical tools and counting on the methodology of Critical Analysis of Metaphor, this dissertation aims to identify the metaphors that have the sense of carrying the ideology of Mandela and that expresses criticism of his predecessors in power in a polish way, while safeguarding the identities of those involved in the discourse. Both analyses had been in such a way carried through leaving for the identification of metaphorical expressions, thus indicating the types of metaphors identified and, finally, given by whom, where and for whom the speech was pronounced, seeking its pragmatic sense. The results have shown that Mandela, making use of linguistic and conceptual metaphors, first, expressed his pacifist ideology, showing still, that it is fruit of a long way and, secondly, criticized his predecessors in power, without causing harm, that is, the metaphors in this discourse had also had a role to disarm the aggression / Esta dissertação de mestrado refere-se à pesquisa, sob a perspectiva crítica e pragmática, das metáforas conceptuais e lingüísticas que tenham o sentido de portadora de ideologia e de estratégia de polidez num discurso político. Teve como base de estudo o Discurso Inaugural do líder sul-africano, Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela, proferido na ocasião de sua posse como presidente da África do Sul, em 10 de maio de 1994, na cidade de Johannesburgo, capital daquele país. O discurso foi pronunciado em língua inglesa, mas para a análise servimo-nos da tradução ao português, interpretando suas ocorrências na mesma. A escolha deste discurso se deu por acreditarmos que o mesmo tenha sido um marco de mudanças na história daquele país e, a abordagem da metáfora em uso pressupõe que, mesmo a metáfora sendo uma figura de pensamento, isto é conceptual, ela manifesta-se no âmbito da linguagem em uso, e é a partir do contexto discursivo que ela pode ser mais bem compreendida. E esta dissertação, portanto, insere-se na abordagem da Metáfora em Uso e na Teoria da Metáfora Conceptual, primeiramente, por analisar o sentido pragmático das metáforas, isto é, o seu sentido dentro do contexto sócio-histórico específico e, em segundo lugar, por conceituar a realidade por meio das metáforas. Considerando essas ferramentas teóricas e contando com a metodologia da Análise Crítica da Metáfora esta dissertação se propõe a apontar as metáforas que tenham o sentido de portadora da ideologia de Mandela e que expressem críticas aos seus antecessores no poder de maneira polida, salvaguardando as faces dos envolvidos no discurso. Para tanto foram realizadas as análises, partindo pela identificação das expressões metafóricas, logo, apontando os tipos de metáforas identificadas e, por último, considerando por quem, onde e para quem foi proferido o discurso, buscando o seu sentido pragmático. Os resultados mostraram que Mandela, ao servir-se das metáforas conceptuais e lingüísticas, primeiramente, expressou sua ideologia pacifista, mostrando ainda, que é fruto de um longo caminho e, em segundo lugar, critica seus antecessores no poder, sem provocar ofensas, isto é, as metáforas, neste discurso, tiveram a função, também, de desarmar a agressão