The aim of the study is to analyze the representation of isiXhosa traditional culture through the coverage on media coverage as the topic suggests following a legal battle on the removal of the remains of Mandela‘s children in the year 2013. The online news articles selected in this study covered issues since Mandela was in and out of hospital. The articles covered are those of local newspaper, The Herald-online- as it is based in the Eastern Cape and has covered more on the traditional beliefs, understanding and following such rituals. The aim of the study is to explore and describe the perceptions and experiences of people around the family feud and the legal battle on the removal of those remains. It will also emphasize on the representation of the media on this problem and how Xhosa tradition can be affected and also compare other newspaper articles on their coverage.

M.A. (Communication) / The two research questions explored in this study are: a) What is the potential effectiveness of Mandela's rhetorical choices in the light of the primary and media audiences and the situation, in the selected speeches and visual material? b) What rhetorical shifts occurred in the speeches delivered between 1990 and 1994? In view of the fact that this study is political in nature and falls within the parameters of political communication, the field of political communication as it relates to rhetoric and public speaking specifically, was discussed. The nucleus of Aristotle's theory of rhetoric was discussed in conjunction with modern theories and research, with the purpose of establishing theoretical grounds for effective political oratory. To explore the two research questions, the neo-Aristotelian model of rhetorical criticism was utilised. By using this model it was possible to measure the effectiveness or potential effectiveness of Nelson Mandela's choice of strategy in the series of speeches and visual material selected. The model also prescribes a methodology whereby the important variables in political oratory are measured, including language, the credibility of the speaker, emotional strategies, logical argumentation, organisation and nonverbal behaviour. For purposes of evaluation the model prescribes an ideal model of persuasion. The ancient and modern rhetorical theory discussed in the study was utilised to construct standards by which Mandela's speeches were evaluated. The model also enabled the critic to focus on the speaker, Nelson Mandela and his political messages, while considering the rhetorical transaction, including the audiences and situation as a whole. The primary audience considered in this study consists of the mainly black supporters of the ANC who received Mandela's political messages at mass rallies. It was determined that this audience had a positive orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. Important national media audiences were also fsolated and include Whites, Indians, Coloureds, the IFP and the PAC. These audiences maintained a more negative orientation towards the speaker, his messages and the ANC. The international community in general was also considered.

Months were spent researching and preparing this four-part series on the dramatic events surrounding NELSON MANDELA, the life-term prisoner who has cast a larger than life shadow on South African politics. Staff writer DENNIS CRUYWAGEN travelled extensively to interview at first hand — or by other means, where necessary — those stalwart ANC veterans who were convicted in the Rivonia Treason Trial and jailed with Mandela. He talked, too, to members of the Mandela family, politicians, lawyers and many others who were close to or knowledgeable about the ANC leader. Official records and other sources on the life and times of Nelson Mandela were also consulted. Compiling the vast amount of information sometimes led to unusual situations. For instance, Mrs Winnie Mandela, always pressed for time, was interviewed — not in her home in Diepkloof, Soweto, as arranged but in a hired car in a Johannesburg traffic jam while following a vehicle driven by her driver. She was late for another appointment. Drawn from various sources this series sets out to reconstruct an overview of 25 years and more of political and personal drama, passion and poignancy. / Supplement to The Argus, Tuesday February 6 1990 / Exclusive Part 1

It presents a profound paradox that the end of formal apartheid in South Africa and the political ascendancy of Nelson Mandela’s African National Congress have also signalled the disintegration of people’s power and the marginalisation of a once formidable anti-capitalist Left. Those who refused to be defeated and insisted that a better world was still possible asked anew, What is to be done? Their answer was to build a new Independent Left, using the Non-Governmental Organisation as their primary tool. This dissertation examines two leftist NGOs with distinct political approaches to organising, which have shaped formal anti-capitalist strategies in Cape Town over the past decade. The Alternative Information and Development Centre (AIDC), an activist space, policy think-tank, and alternative media centre, has aimed to restore the politics of the united front by bringing together employed and unemployed workers to lead a new eco-socialist Left alternative. Ndifuna Ukwazi (NU), an activist research and legal centre focusing on housing in the inner city, has fostered an inspiring movement of building occupiers and aimed to deconstruct the legacy of the apartheid city. Through a militant commitment to this wider Independent Left community, I have accompanied these organisations in their efforts, seeking to understand the role they can play in improving society. This dissertation investigates the central question of how to effectively utilize NGOs in the struggle for freedom and equality within the context of neoliberal capitalism. It has become clear that intellectual genealogies and ideological fortitude have laid the political foundation of these projects. Combined with the NGO’s formal and hierarchical structure, key themes that define the practices of these organisations have emerged. Matters of dependency and control, as well as organising and leadership, have been crucial features of these projects. This has engendered tensions within the organisations between technocratic and intellectual modes of rule, as well as resistance to these governing structures. Taken together, this analysis provides a window into the possibilities and limitations that these organisational tools offer for radically reimagining our world.

The Rivonia treason trial started on October 9, 1963, the same day that former Cape Town coloured singer Danny Williams made front page headlines by marrying a white girl in London. Those were the days when apartheid, not as “reformed” as it is today, was rigorously applied by the National Party government. Love, sex and marriage across the colour line were forbidden. Crooner Williams, 31, then riding the crest of the pop wave with his ballad “Moon River”, took his vows with Bobbi Carole, who married him against the wishes of her parents. Williams, fearing persecution, told an interviewer he would not be welcome in South Africa again. But most prominent by far on the front page that day was the Rivonia treason trial. A report from Pretoria — following the style of the times — said: “Eleven men — four whites, one Indian and six Natives — went on trial in the Supreme Court here today before Mr Justice Quartus de Wet (Judge President of the Transvaal) on charges of sabotage and of offences under the Suppression of Communism Act and of contravening the Criminal Law Amendment Act.” / Supplement to The Argus, Wednesday February 7 1990 / Exclusive Part 2

Text in English / This study examines and discovers the translation strategies as employed in the Sesotho sa Leboa translation of Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom. Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom was published in 1995 and was translated into Sesotho sa Leboa by S M Serudu in 2001. The Sesotho sa Leboa translation of the life history of Mandela, Leetotelele go ya Tokologong (Long Walk to Freedom) is one of the four completed translations to date that form part of the assignment to translate the original text into the official languages of South Africa. The aim of this study is to investigate the translation strategies used to transfer linguistic and cultural items in the translation of Mandela's autobiography. The study is mainly qualitative and examines the strategies employed by Serudu. For data collection, the source and target texts of Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom as well as the semi-structured face-to-face interviews with four translators into Sesotho sa Leboa, isiZulu, isiXhosa and Afrikaans were used. The study is based on the Descriptive Translation Studies Theory, Bassnett and Lefevere's "cultural turn" as well as the domestication and foreignization strategies. In this case, it investigates if Serudu has domesticated and/or foreignized his translation. The findings revealed that Serudu domesticated his translation by using metaphors, similes, personification, euphemism, hyperbole, proverbs, idioms and the use of descriptive words. Foreignization was also found when the translator dealt with the borrowing and loaning of words where most of the concepts were transferred, Sotholised, retained and transferred, as they were, especially culture specific items. / African Languages / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Languages)