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No description available.

This dissertation analyzes the political-economy of agrarian social relations and uneven development in La Libertad, Chontales, Nicaragua. It locates the development of agrarian structures and municipal politics at the interstices of local level processes and supra-local political-economic projects, i.e., an expanding world market, Nicaraguan nation-state and class formation, and U.S. imperialism. The formation and expansion of private property in land and the contested placement of municipal borders forms the primary locus for this analysis of changing agrarian relations. Over the course of the century explored in this dissertation, the uneven development of class and state power did not foster capitalist relations of production (i.e., increasing productivity based on new investment, development of the forces of production, proletarianization) and did not entail the disappearance of peasant producers; rather, peasant producers proliferated. Neither emerging from a pre-capitalist past nor forging a (classically) capitalist present, classes and communities were shaped through constant movement (e.g., waves of migration and population movements, upward and downward mobility) and structured by forms of accumulation rooted in extractive economic practices and forms of dependent-commercial capitalism on the one hand, and the politics of state - including municipal - formative dynamics on the other. The proliferation of peasant producers, both constrained and made possible by these processes, depended upon patriarchal relations (through which family labor was mobilized and landownership and use framed) and an expansive frontier (through which land pressure was relieved and farm fragmentation mitigated), although larger ranchers and landlords depended upon and benefited from these as well, albeit in different ways. The social relations among different classes and strata were contradictory, entailing forms of dependence, subordination, and exploitation as well as identification and affinity. In the context of the Sandinista revolution, these ties created the basis for a widely shared counterrevolutionary political stance across classes and strata while these class and strata distinctions conditioned the specificities and experiences of opposition. / Anthropology

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黃永豪. / 手稿本, 複本影印手稿本. / 香港中文大學硏究院歷史學部碩士論文. / 參考文獻 : leaves 227-239. / Huang Yonghao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 沙田的壯貌與鄉紳的作用 --- p.15 / Chapter 第三章 --- 沙田的租佃關係 --- p.62 / Chapter 第四章 --- 東莞明倫堂與萬頃沙　 --- p.82 / Chapter 第五章 --- 大梁龍氏與東海十六沙 --- p.116 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.153 / 附錄 --- p.158 / 注釋 --- p.176 / 徵引書目 --- p.227

Texte remanié de : Thèse : Sciences économiques sociales et politiques : Université catholique de Louvain : 1984. / "Version légèrement abrégée de la thèse de doctorat défendue en 1979 à l'université catholique de Louvain" La page de titre porte : Centre d'Etudes et de Recherches sur le Monde Arabe Contemporain, Faculté des Sciences Economiques Sociales et Politiques, Université Catholique de Louvain. La couverture porte : La question agraire dans les pays arabes. Bibliogr. p. 594-623.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of History, August 2001. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

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This paper provides a history of my great grandfather, Joeyaska; who he was, where he came from, and how he came to acquire 320 acres of land in 1878 near Merritt, in the interior of British Columbia. Joeyaska was considered a Stuwix. From all that is known, Joeyaska was a Stuwix from the Athapaskan group. Joeyaska a warrior, a survivor, a horseman, a family man and protector of his rights passed on to his children and grandchildren his land. Who are the descendants of Joeyaska and what are we doing today in the threat of encroachment by the chief and council of the Lower Nicola Band. How are we defending and carrying on traditional land rights and practises. This paper is a compilation of oral tradition and documented history on Joeyaska, our great grandfather.

Black fanners' contribution and percentage share of the marketed agricultural produce (especially maize and cotton) increased dramatically following Zimbabwe's independence, especially between 1982 and 1987. Almost unanimously, observers in government and diplomatic circles spoke of this increase as 'phenomenal', attributing it to being a direct result of the government's efforts to increase agricultural production, and calling it a 'success story' and 'agrarian miracle'. This 'miracle' description was adopted by the state controlled and independent media, international donor and 'development' agencies, alike. By 1992, the levels of production achieved in the mid-1980s would not be repeated and this was blamed primarily on drought and the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) adopted by government in 1990. The direct impact of ESAP was the further reduction of government capacity and resources available to support the resettlement sector. By 2000, Zimbabwe was embroiled in a rural upheaval that threatened, reversed and undennined all the gains of the 1980s. The miracle discourse disappeared and in its place agro-pessimism took centre space. The land question rose to the fore amid a heightened outcry of landlessness, Communal Area congestion, poor access to institutional support and declining livelihoods and food security, among other things. This renewed rural crisis raised questions about what had happened to the miracle, exposed the run-down economy, and deepened undemocratic tendencies and a polarised political, economic and social space. The thesis proposed here is that the Zimbabwean government failed to take advantage and expand on the potential for an increased role of the rural sector in the cash economy. What emerged from closer scrutiny of the so-called agrarian transfonnation package for African agriculture was a poorly designed, uncoordinated and under funded quick fix to rural development that hardly moved beyond the mere transfer of land. Notwithstanding the participation of rural communities in the war of national liberation and the high profile nature of the land question during the Second Chimurenga, the post-colonial state apparatus - dominated by an urban nationalist petit bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the weak lobby of the beneficiaries of land refonn on the other - placed African agriculture into the back-seat of policy and political economic priorities. Evidence from Mayo Resettlement Scheme, the primary case study in this thesis, suggests that the argued institutional support and structural changes (basis of the miracle) were at best minimal, under-funded, crisis-averse, ad hoc and poorly coordinated, lacking the support of a concrete policy base, making the miracle at most fragile and in the final analysis unsustainable. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2009.