Thesis (Ed. D.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1993. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-148). Also available via the Internet.

The dissertation undertakes a loosely chronological examination of Goethe's chief prose and poetic works in four areas of scientific inquiry: geology, botany, anatomy, and meteorology. Through a comparison of the prose essays and thematically related poems, it portrays the evolving relationship between prose and poetry in his scientific writings, explores the nature and scope of his programmatic reflections in regard to scientific language, and discloses underlying motivations which he veiled in his scientific prose. It is found that the union of science and poetry "auf hoherer Stelle" which Goethe envisioned applies not only to his explicitly didactic poetry, but has a germinal presence in the form of a poetic subtext within the related prose treatises. More broadly, the unified statement made by his prose and poetic science lifts it into the context of his entire literary production--a point underscored by his setting of scientific studies in their autobiographical context. This in turn is found to participate in a larger program of raising personal experience to archetypal status and viewing the particular as symbolic of the general. Goethe's demand that the language used to describe each domain be derived from that domain, is found to have implications beyond the striving to create appropriate terminology. The same impulse is reflected in scientific writings which create a formal mimesis of the natural phenomenon under study, or which more broadly reflect, by their tone and imagery, the character he experienced in that realm of nature. Finally, Goethe's freedom in dealing with scientific terminology is found to represent a form of linguistic irony, reflecting his perception that all language is "eigentlich bildlich" and cannot refer directly to reality. His recourse to poetry within science thus represents an epistemological statement.

Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1992. / Title from title page screen, viewed February 3, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Hesse (chair), Ronald J. Fortune, Ray Lewis White, Steven E. Kagle. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 383-402) and abstract. Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of Classical Studies, 2005. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-01, Section: A, page: 0163. Adviser: Eleanor W. Leach. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Dec. 12, 2006)."

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This dissertation is concerned with the depiction of the historic events of July 20, 1944, their representation and reception in West German Theater, and analyzes the plays of Karl Michel's Stauffenberg (1947), Walter Erich Schäfer's Die Verschwörung (1949), Walter Löwen's Stauffenberg. Tragödie (1949-1952), Peter Lotar's Das Bild des Menschen. Eine Geschichte unserer Zeit (1952), Wolfgang Graetz' Die Verschwörer (1965), Hans Hellmut Kirst's Aufstand der Offiziere (1966), and Günther Weisenborn's Walküre -44 (1966). The consolidation of the Third Reich and the progressive seduction of millions consequently led to the resistance of a few. The more totalitarian a state is, the larger the differences between the government and opposition, and the more determined the resistance against it. The resisters turned their value systems inside out. They deviated from everything they had previously stood for as members of the Officers' Corps and the national-conservative elite. This is unparalleled, not only in Germany, but in military history as well, and therefore deserves reverence. A few Germans took on personal responsibility for events of the time; they accepted their fate as leaders knowing that they might forsake their own lives, and those of their families. In that respect, the unsuccessful assassination attempt and the failed coup are secondary to the catalytic effect that these events had on eventual post-war German Society: the democratic state can therefore not reflect enough upon these men and women, their motivation, and contribution to the andere Deutschland. The failed coup of July 20, 1944 is the most prominent example of German resistance against the NS-Regime and at the same time a symbol for the failure of the entire German resistance. The failure however may be seen as positive, since it avoided a revival of the devastating stab-in-the-back myth, and prevented Hitler from becoming a martyr. This dissertation confronts different levels of history and methods of dealing, arranging, and manipulating a historic event in literary representations, and situates the plays in the context of the popular historic drama. The connecting factor between the classic historical drama and the documentary July-drama is the historic topic. In both, the author plays with some aspect of world history. The seven plays, whose reception indicate societal developments in early post war Germany, are discussed in a predominately socio-political and historical context as a contribution to the cultural memory of the German resistance to Hitler. The complex moral responsibility, the theological question of legalizing the murder of a tyrant, the uneasy juxtaposition of unconditional obedience and critical thinking that lead some to disobedience, others to collaboration, are topics in world history that are of interest to any generation and culture. The answers to these problems and the background of the particular playwright, affect the depiction of the conspirators, who in extremes may be seen as heroes or traitors.

This thesis provides a historical review of the theoretical and practical influence of Protestant missionaries on the late Qing Chinese language reformers. The origins of the language reform movement have always been concealed in historical records. The missionaries’ contribution to this movement has almost entirely been forgotten. With a focus on the key figures in the language reform movement, including W.A. P. Martin, John Macgowan, Joseph Edkins, Lu Zhuangzhang, and Wang Bingyao, this thesis attempts to demonstrate the similarities between the missionaries’ views on the Chinese language and those of their Chinese assistants. The Chinese reformers’ imitations of the missionaries’ language experiments are also outlined. In the historical context of late Qing China, the Chinese reformers made language reform a way of enhancing the national strength of China. Thus, they made modifications to the original Romanized system and invented their own written forms of phonetic characters. With reference to the collaborations between China and the West, the thesis emphasizes Western influence as one of the crucial aspects of the origin of the language reform movement in China. This movement is still ongoing today with the widespread use of the pinyin input method in computers and smartphones. The thesis is divided into two chapters, analysing both the theoretical and the practical dimensions of language reform. It demonstrates how the missionaries’ critique of the perceived defects of the Chinese language and their practice of changing the linguistic situation in China strongly affected the views and practice of the Chinese reformers. It also offers a critical analysis of the Chinese reformers’ rationale, including their eagerness to advance the modernity of China. The first chapter discusses their views on the defects of the Chinese language in terms of its ideographic features, chaotic grammatical structure, and the discrepancy between speech and writing; it examines how their statements, proposals, and debates on these issues amounted to a discursive formation that defined the classical Chinese language as an inadequate instrument for China’s modernization project. I argue that the Chinese reformers accepted the missionaries’ phonocentric critique of the Chinese language and recognized the need to reform it in order to revitalize Chinese civilization. Through an examination of the genealogy of the missionaries’ influence on the practice of the early Chinese language reformers, particularly Lu Zhuangzhang and Wang Bingyao, I argue in the second chapter that the early stage of language reform in China sought its embodiment in the missionaries’ language practice: it was carried out through a combination of defence, argument, and negotiation between the Chinese reformers and the missionaries, eventually resulting in a compromise between reforming the language and preserving the cultural essence of China. With the knowledge and institutions that had been produced, the reformers’ final objective was to increase the literacy rate of the Chinese population, as this would thus strengthen the power of China as a modern nation-state. Finally, by revisiting the historical contribution of the late Qing language reformers, I argue that language reform in China is an unfinished project. / published_or_final_version / English / Master / Master of Philosophy

論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學硏究院敎育學部,1994. / 參考文獻: leaves 243-252 / 王淑儀. / 鳴謝 --- p.iv / 圖表 --- p.iii / 撮要 --- p.v / Chapter 第一章 --- 問題說明 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 文獻評述 --- p.6 / Chapter (一） --- 「國家」本質的討論 --- p.6 / Chapter (二） --- 「國家」理論的探討 --- p.8 / Chapter (三） --- 教育政策與國家理論 --- p.27 / Chapter 第三章 --- 研究架構、問題與研究方法 --- p.34 / Chapter (一） --- 研究架構 --- p.34 / Chapter (二） --- 研究問題 --- p.41 / Chapter (三） --- 硏究方法 --- p.44 / Chapter 第四章 --- 英文教育政策的轉變與確立 --- p.47 / Chapter (I) --- 英文教育政策的轉變 --- p.47 / Chapter (II) --- 英文教育政策的確立 --- p.52 / Chapter (III) --- 1878年英文教育政策的轉變原因 --- p.55 / Chapter (IV) --- 英文教育政策的確立-- 香港大學在1912年成立的原因 --- p.87 / Chapter (V) --- 總结 --- p.99 / Chapter 第五章 --- 中文教育政策的轉變（I) -- 1913年教育條例 --- p.104 / Chapter (I) --- 1913年前中文學校的情況 --- p.104 / Chapter (II) --- 1913年教育條例的內容 --- p.104 / Chapter (III) --- 1913年教育條例出現的原因 --- p.111 / Chapter (IV --- )總结 --- p.130 / Chapter 第六章 --- 中文教育政策的轉變（II) -- 殖民地政府分別於1926年成立官立漢文中學 及1927年於香港大學設立中文糸 --- p.136 / Chapter (I) --- 官立漢文中學及港大中文糸成立的經過 --- p.136 / Chapter (II) --- 官立漢文中學及港大中文糸成立的原因 --- p.141 / Chapter (III) --- 總结 / Chapter 第七章 --- 中文教育政策的轉變（III) - - 1935年公佈《賓尼報告書》 --- p.170 / Chapter (I) --- 1935殖民地政府公佈《賓尼報告書》-- 強調初等教育 --- p.178 / Chapter (II) --- 1935殖民地政府公佈《賓尼報告書》-- 強調初等教育的原因 --- p.182 / Chapter (III) --- 總结 --- p.199 / Chapter 第八章 --- 總结 / Chapter (一） --- 中英教育政策的轉變 --- p.203 / Chapter (二） --- 研究意義 --- p.207 / Chapter (三） --- 研究限制 --- p.212 / 註釋 --- p.215 / 中文參考書目及論文 --- p.243 / 英文參考書目及論文 --- p.246

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Master / Master of Philosophy