Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1982. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 116-118).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1953. / Vita. Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [226]-[228]).

Thèse--Faculté des lettres de Paris. / Index librorum quæ [!] mihi scribenti plurimum profuerunt": p. [100]-101.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2006. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2007. / Title from title screen (site viewed July 12, 2007). PDF text: viii, 110 p. : ill. UMI publication number: AAT 3252838. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in microfilm and microfiche formats.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, 1915. / "Private edition, distributed by the University of Chicago libraries, Chicago, Illinois, 1922." "List of sources and their abbreviations": p. [v]-ix. Also available on the Internet.

This thesis analyses the native Indian language Chilcotin through the use of the lexical phonology model. Data were collected from five speakers varying in age, dialect and sex. Chapter 1 discusses the segemental, tonal and syllabic systems in Chilcotin. Chapter 2 is a discussion of the vowel harmony process, flattening. Chapter 3 is an analysis of morphological rule formation and Chapters 4 through 7 present a discussion of the lexical and post-lexical levels. Chilcotin was found to be composed of three lexical levels and one post-lexical level. / Arts, Faculty of / Linguistics, Department of / Graduate

From the early years of the Nineteenth Century, language investigation had been undertaken to show what the relationship was between the languages of Africa, and in particular, Southern Africa. Perhaps one of the earliest informed investigators who postulated the concept of distinctive language "types" among the languages of Southern Africa and particularly with the Southern Bantu languages, was Heinrich » Lichtenstein. Writing in 1 808, he divided the peoples and languages of Southern Africa into two distinctive groups: the "Hottentots" and the Hottentot class, of languages, and the "Kaffirs", and the "Kaffir" class of languages. He clarified this relationship by stating, "All linguistic types of the South African aborigines must be classified as dialects of 2 either one or the other of these two principal classes." Implied in this statement is the concept that within the group composed of all the languages of his "Kaffir" class, as indeed of his "Hottentot" class, distinctive dialectical qualities came about through dialectical divergence. Despite this implication he did not attempt to analyse the relational aspects of each of the dialects composing his "principal ("Kaffir") class". 1 .0.01 It was not until twenty-seven years later, in 1837» that William Boyce, in his introduction to Archbell’s "Grammar of the Bechuana Language", enlarged upon Lichtenstein's division by stating, "....(that) the second division or family, of his South African languages....(is composed of) the sister dialects spoken by the Kafir and Bechuana tribes." The linguistic boundaries were now enlarged to include two distinctive linguistic families, rather than "types", viz. the Hottentot family and the Nguni ("Kafir") and Sotho (Bechuana) families. In 18 5O, J. W.Appleyard, produced his "The Kafir Language; comprising a sketch of its History; remarks upon its Nature and a Grammar". In this work he postulates four groups within our future Bantu family, those of Congo, Damara (i.e. Herero), Sechuana and "Kafir" It is noteworthy that in this work he classified Sotho under the "Sechuana"^ group, from which it could be implied that Sotho was either a dialect or a separate Cluster of the Tswana group. This is the first discernible effort to note that under the main families of the Southern Africa geographical areas there could be dialects that were affiliated to larger groups.

South Africa is a multilingual country with 11 official languages and 9 of these languages are Indigenous African languages. The South African government has developed policies and created an environment for these languages to be developed. National and provincial language policies have been adopted and the country has even passed a language Act called the Use of Official Languages Act, 2012. The national Department of Education has also passed policies and Acts that enable indigenous languages to be made compulsory to all learners in all public schools in the foundation phase. Despite all these efforts, very little has been done to implement these policies. The aim of this study is to interrogate the role played by these language bodies in the implementation of the National Language Policies, particularly the development and empowerment of these previously marginalized languages. Using textual analysis, questionnaires and interviews, the study identified the bottlenecks in the system that hinder the development of these languages. Amongst the many obstructions that were uncovered, is the increased economic benefit associated with English and how this continues to undermine efforts to elevate the status of African languages. Further, this linguistic hegemony has created a situation where speakers of the nine indigenous African languages are denied access to social, economic and political developments of the country, a clear violation of language rights enshrined in the Constitution of South Africa. The study concludes by making recommendations on steps that can be taken to develop African languages in South Africa.

The South African society is plagued with a “complex and fascinating landscape of multilingualism that comprises of eleven official languages post the apartheid era” (Pluddeman et al, 2004: 13-14). The apartheid era saw only “English and Afrikaans recognised as languages of official status across the nation even though indigenous languages existed in the country” (Cakata & Segalo, 2017). The post-apartheid era which commenced in 1994 have been years in which extensive political negotiation and transition have been occurring which have encompassed establishing constitutional rights for indigenous languages in the South African dispensation. This included the choice for “indigenous languages to uses as languages of learning and teaching (LoLT) and being offered as subjects at schools” (Pluddeman et al, 2004: 13, 14). The aim of this study is to focus on language policy implementation practices in basic education with particular reference to a primary school in Western Cape, City of Cape Town as a case study. It seeks to observe the language practices within the school in order to assess the various patterns of implementation and contribute to scholarly debate pertaining to policy implementation across disciplines. The study will analyse the language policy planning in South Africa at large using Ruiz's (1984) three orientations to language planning: language as a problem, language as a resource and language as a right. It seeks to observe the language practices within the school in order to assess the various patterns of implementation and contribute to scholarly debate pertaining to policy implementation across disciplines. The findings of this study aim to assist language planners in developing a language policy framework in basic education which includes strong monitoring and evaluation systems to alleviate problems at the implementation stage of language policies.