<p> This study investigates geospatial relationships among Late Intermediate Period (1000&ndash;1400 CE) settlement patterns within the Moquegua River drainage of southern Peru which were first identified in the 1990s by the Moquegua Archaeological Survey (MAS). A prevalence of walls and defensive locations and a largely vacant no-mans-land between down valley Chiribaya and up valley Estuqui&ntilde;a settlements likely evidences an increased level of inter-cultural conflict in the region during the LIP that may have continued in the Late Horizon. Using viewshed analyses in ARC-GIS, this study proposes and compares two possible chronologies to explore how Chiribaya, Estuqui&ntilde;a, and Estuqui&ntilde;a -Inca settlements interacted or competed for the surrounding river valley through their direct or indirect control of resources, and their ability to defend against each other. Through the identification of these prime factors, this study aims to understand how the placement of settlements corresponds to the larger web of social interactions.</p><p>

The purpose of this project was to address the lack of scholarship on mid-twentieth century Haitian history and illustrate its significance. It employs primary and secondary sources in shaping a Gramscian historical narrative. Ideas of "everyday resistance" and internal and external politics are also be of significance to this work. In mid-twentieth century Haiti, the black-nationalist rhetoric of noirisme became the dominant political ideology. Blackness was amorphous and its application to politics was dependent upon class. In proclaiming blackness the average Haitian was attacking the class schism that beleaguered the island. Yet for the elite noirismewas a conduit to modernity and a useful tool for muting the division between rich and poor. With the election of Dumarsais Estimé in 1946, dialogue between the U.S. government, the Haitian elite, and the masses, relative to definitions of modernity played out within the new political reality of noirisme.

Tobacco was of primary importance to Spain, and its impact on Cuba’s economy and society was greater than just the numbers of farms, workers, or production, demonstrated by the Spanish crown’s outlay of monies for capital assets, bureaucrats’ salaries, and payments to farmers for their crop. This study is a micro- and macro-level study of rural life in colonial Cuba and the interconnected relationships among society, agricultural production, state control, and the island’s economic development. By placing Cuba’s tobacco farmers at the forefront of this social history, this work revisits and offers alternatives to two prevailing historiographical views of rural Cuba from 1763 (the year Havana returned to Spanish control following the Seven Years’ War) to 1817 (the final year of the 100-year royal monopoly on Cuban tobacco). Firstly, it argues against the primacy of sugar over other agricultural crops, a view that has shaped decades of scholarship, and challenges the thesis which maintains the Cuban tobacco farmer was almost exclusively poor, white, and employed free labor, rather than slaves, in the production of their crop. This study establishes the importance of tobacco as an agricultural product, and argues that Cuban tobacco growers were a heterogeneous group, revealing the role that its cultivation may have played in helping some slaves earn their freedom.

This dissertation is a regional study of Mexico during the reform phase of the Mexican Revolution. It analyzes the relationship between governing authorities and civil society in the southeastern state of Tabasco during the lengthy tenure of revolutionary strongman Tomás Garrido Canabal (1922–1935). Using a variety of previously untapped sources, this dissertation evaluates popular reactions to the governing mechanisms and cultural radicalism of the garridistas. It assesses how revolutionary labor policies, educational initiatives, anticlerical campaigns, and other reform measures, were received by Tabasco's diverse population. Ultimately, it concludes that while the garridistas were able to amass something of a popular following, the ideological intolerance and institutional rigidity of the Garrido State undermined the democratizing promise of its reformist agenda. To a great extent, the governing rigidity of the garridistas can be explained by the repeated efforts of their political opponents to overthrow them. These “enemy” schemes, which had local, regional, and national dimensions, were more and less successful. That the Garrido regime successfully weathered attacks on its rule for better than twelve years was due to the popular mobilization of its most loyal constituencies and the intervention of federal authorities. At a broader level, then, this thesis reflects on the complex way in which power was mediated and maintained in revolutionary Mexico.

For one hundred years (1693–1790) Franciscan missionaries continuously attempted to convert a variety of lowland indigenous peoples of the Putumayo and Caquetá rivers of what is now the Amazonian area of Colombia and Ecuador. The missionaries were challenged by a number of obstacles including difficult travel; a paucity of personnel and material support; epidemic and tropical diseases; and most importantly, a diverse Indian population that responded to the missionaries in many ways—ranging from acceptance on certain levels to violent rejection and expulsion. But the Franciscans and Native Americans were not alone in the region; they shared this frontier with other Spaniards, mestizos and even black slaves creating a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural borderlands. This dissertation, in accordance with the aims and focus of the “New Latin American Mission History,” analyzes these missions from the perspective of the different Native American groups involved whenever possible. Seeing the mission frontier as an intercultural zone of interaction and accommodation, it seeks to illuminate the history of this peripheral area of the Spanish empire. By examining the use and importance of “trade” between the missionaries and different Indian groups, this study focuses on the ability of the Franciscans to insert themselves into a regional trade network that existed for centuries but which was modified significantly by the presence of Europeans in general and the mendicants in particular. Trading and warring alliances between Indian groups and Europeans produced a dynamic region in which the Franciscans had varying degrees of success negotiating. At times, such as 1721 and 1790, the friars were rejected by the majority of indigenous peoples who violently expelled them. For the first half of the eighteenth century the friars came from Quito, while their base of action moved to Popayán and the new College of Missions located there during the latter half of the century. The consequences of this relocation and the rivalries and controversies between the Franciscans in Popayán and Cali, peninsular Spanish Franciscans and creole missionaries, and even between Franciscans and Jesuits, and their effects on the missions are a secondary concern of this study.

The mita was a draft Indian labor system that Viceroy Francisco de Toledo developed in 1573 for the silver industry at Potos(')i (in colonial Upper Peru; current-day Bolivia). For a brief period the mita served, in combination with the introduction of amalgamation technology, stockpiles of previously unrefinable ore and a large capital investment by the mine and mill owners (azogueros) to cause a boom in production. By 1600, however, the stockpiles of ore had been exhausted and the boom had given way to decreasing levels of silver production at Potos(')i. The Indians who were serving in the mita (mitayos) had become more important to the industry, because they were now the principal means of obtaining ore, but their condition had deteriorated. As their own profits fell, the Indians began to flee from Potos(')i and from the provinces that were subject to the mita. Their migration, which was caused by tribute requirements and other labor obligations as well, disrupted the social, economic and political order that the Spanish were trying to impose upon the Indians. Their method of resisting the invaders was passive, but the Indians were neither conquered nor submissive victims of the mita. The group that was caught between the continuing demand for mitayos at Potos(')i and the decreasing number of Indians in the provinces was the caciques (Indian nobles). They were the key to the entire system, because they delivered the Indians to the mines and the mills. At first the caciques were able to meet their quotas by abridging the legal restrictions on the recruitment of the mitayos. But in the early seventeenth century they found themselves fined for the growing number of Indians that they were unable to deliver, and a new form of mita service was founded: service in silver, ostensibly to hire substitutes. By 1630, between one-third and one-half of the total delivery of mitayos to Potos(')i was made in money. The azogueros used some of the silver they received from the caciques for operating funds, rather than to hire laborers. The mita therefore became a capital subsidy as well as forced labor system. The Hapsburg government of colonial Peru opposed the new form of mita service because it was an unauthorized arrangement between the azogueros and the caciques to which it was not a party. The crown's ability to counter the de facto mita was restricted, however, by its isolation in Spain, by the time that was consumed by trans-Atlantic correspondence and by its own bureaucracy. The viceroys who were stationed in Lima were plagued by similar problems, and they depended upon the President of the Audiencia de Charcas and the Corregidor de Potos(')i to administer the mita on a daily basis. A constant interplay of personal and professional jealousies among these officials, the viceroy's reluctance to innovate and the contradictory orders that were issued from Lima and Madrid complicated the government's efforts to reform the mita to the point of near-total ineffectiveness. In 1670, the Viceroy Conde de Lemos determined that the system could not be purged of the azogueros' misuse of mita service in silver and the other abuses that stemmed from it, and he proposed that the system be abolished. The crown was reluctant to accept the loss of revenue that such an act would have entailed, and instead it ordered a total reformation of the mita. That program was executed during the 1680s, under the Viceroy Duque de la Palata. It too failed, because it was based on an untenable premise: that the Toledan mita could be re-established despite 110 years of economic, political and demographic change in Peru.

No description available.

In 1960, Dominican Republican dictator Rafael Trujillo ordered the murders of the Mirabal sisters. He ordered the killing of Patria, Minerva, and Maria Teresa Mirabal because of their intellectual efforts to topple the Trujillo regime. Following their murders, Trujillo was assassinated, and this brought forth commemorative efforts seeking to recognize the sisters' rebellious acts. Over time, the representation of the Mirabal sisters became racialized and gendered. Drawing on various mediums including illustrations, films and poetry, this thesis examines the representation of the Mirabal sisters through the construction of race and gender in the Dominican Republic. It also analyzes how the Dominican feminists used the representation of the Mirabal sisters to advocate for gender equality, including awareness and prevention of gender-based violence. The feminist movement helped bring global recognition for the sisters.

No description available.

The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the impact of Soviet perestroika and foreign policy "new thinking" on the Revolutionary Left in Cuba, Nicaragua and El Salvador. Chapters on each of these nations examine the response of the Cuban Communist Party, the Sandinista National Liberation Front (FSLN), and the Farabundo Marti National Liberation Front (FMLN), respectively, to the changes in the Soviet Union and the socialist world. Moreover, the question of what the "demise of communism" means for these actors is addressed in detail. The concluding chapter widens the discussion by asking if Soviet perestroika and the momentous changes it has ushered in signal the decline of the "revolutionary paradigm" in Latin America.