Long-time friends, Americans and Canadians share many world-views and values. Yet, important differences exist. This study examines one foreign policy where these differences are striking. The United States and Canada have had very different policies toward Cuba, especially since Fidel Castro assumed power in 1959. Canada's policy of constructive engagement stands in marked contrast to the isolationist solution adopted by the American government. Much of the current literature offers traditional economic or domestic interest group explanations for the two policies. This study challenges these conventional narratives. By examining each country's policy toward Cuba in tandem this study demonstrates that there is far more than domestic political or economic calculations involved in the formulation of these foreign policies. Adopting a constructivist approach, this study will show that differences exist over Cuba because the two countries are different in other ways—they have their own identities, values and perceptions that contribute to the formation of very distinct approaches toward this island regime. Canadians and Americans perceive Cuba through different lenses. The American identity as an exceptional country and their corresponding view of Cuba as inferior as well as the perception that Cuba is within the American sphere of influence has affected the relationship between the United States and Cuba since the days of the Monroe Doctrine. The American identity as the guardian of freedom and democracy helped to construct American policy. After 1959, Cuba was seen to be an anathema to everything the United States represented. In contrast, the Canadian identity as “not American” and the need to assert this in foreign policy, as well as their identity as a good international citizen with its emphasis on values such as dialogue and compromise have greatly influenced the Canadian perception of Cuba. In sum, the examination of identity and its related values, perceptions, and norms offers an alternative way of making sense of US-Cuban and Canadian-Cuban relations. These two case studies reveal how these variables influence foreign policy and enable us to better understand Canadian and American foreign policy as well as international relations.

<p>This research focuses on the life and work of Jose Limon, (1908-1972), one of the most influential figures in twentieth-century modern concert dance. The way in which his Mexican and immigrant heritage influenced his unique contribution to American modern dance will be discussed in relation to three of his works: Danzas Mexicanas (1939), La Malinche (1949), and Missa Brevis (1948). As a dancer of Mexican heritage, I seek to better understand my artistic path and potential through this study of Jose Limon. The introduction includes a brief description of Jose Limon's personal and professional life, and my connection to it as a Latina dance artist. The first three chapters present analysis of three Limon choreographies selected because they exemplify his deeply rooted and personal invocations of Mexican culture and an introspective relationship to self-identity and community. The final chapter is a description of my thesis concert inspired by Jose Limon's life and work. The sources of information used in this work are books, academic articles, newspapers, archival documents, magazines, and photographs. This thesis includes interviews with artists who worked with Limon, danced in his company, and continue to dedicate their artistic endeavors to his work.

<p> The speeches given by Pedro Segundo and Getulio Vargas during wartime not only reveals their orientation of leadership but in turn provides something else. These discourses gives one a unique window into not only how these leaders chose to perceive the challenges of wartime but how to address them to the national populace. The rhetoric they used had to transform for purposes of mobilization while adapting to shifting political environments. Among one of the features of this adaptation was the choice of which aspects of the national consciousness to stress at pivotal moments. By examining the public speeches of Pedro Segundo and Getulio Vargas one can see the political orientation of both leaders, understand the political climate of both periods, and witness how much Brazil had changed in the eighty-one years between the beginning of the Paraguayan War and the end of WWII.</p>

<p>This thesis seeks to recover historical memory during El Salvador&rsquo;s devastating anticommunist campaigns from 1932 to 1963. With El Salvador&rsquo;s long history of repression against social movements, fear and even shame have silenced stories about the movement and its participants. In line with the current projects dedicated to social memory, this projects reconstructs the untold story of Felix Paname&ntilde;o, a local shoemaker and member of the Communist Party in the 1930s through his family&rsquo;s memories. Shoemakers were key to the growing political consciousness of the time, as documented by Roque Dalton through the testimonial of shoemaker and survivor of the 1932 revolt, <i>Miguel M&aacute;rmol</i>. Much of Paname&ntilde;o&rsquo;s life and struggle transpired within key political moments from the persecutions of political activists that followed the 1932 revolt, known as &ldquo;<i> La Matanza</i>&rdquo;, through the wave of repressive military dictatorships that conspired against political activist and democracy. These dictators imposed a tyranny that ultimately drove large numbers of Salvadorans to migrate to the U.S. beginning in the 1960s. Many of these immigrants, in turn, silenced their memories and depoliticized in exchange for a new beginning. Today, some of these memories are being rebuilt, giving insight to better understanding El Salvador&rsquo;s past, as well as the present peoples&rsquo; struggle for democracy at home and those participating from abroad. </p>

<p> Esta tesis doctoral gira en torno a las medidas disciplinarias que se establecieron antes, durante y despu&eacute;s del embate de la epidemia de c&oacute;lera en la ciudad amurallada de San Juan, Puerto Rico, entre los a&ntilde;os 1854 y 1856, con miras a resaltar las nociones del poder, biopol&iacute;tica, sanidad, higiene, marginaci&oacute;n y desarrollo urbano. El an&aacute;lisis exhaustivo de las Actas del Cabildo de la ciudad de San Juan fue fundamental para determinar cu&aacute;n preparadas estaban las autoridades civiles, militares y sanitarias durante el periodo de estudio. A trav&eacute;s de su revisi&oacute;n, se observa c&oacute;mo los cabilderos, atend&iacute;an el problema de la presencia de los boh&iacute;os en la Capital, considerados como focos de contagio y propagaci&oacute;n de enfermedades. Desde antes que llegara la epidemia de c&oacute;lera a San Juan, las autoridades buscaban la manera de eliminar los boh&iacute;os existentes dentro de la ciudad amurallada. El uso de una biopol&iacute;tica por las autoridades, enti&eacute;ndase como &ldquo;la pol&iacute;tica de la salud del pueblo&rdquo;, justificaron y se&ntilde;alaron que estas viviendas representaban ser un peligro para la poblaci&oacute;n sanjuanera. Algunos historiadores afirman que fallecieron aproximadamente 500 personas de diferentes &ldquo;castas&rdquo; en la ciudad de San Juan por el c&oacute;lera. Seg&uacute;n los datos obtenidos del Libro de Defunciones de la Catedral de San Juan los resultados son distintos. Toda persona fallecida por la epidemia de c&oacute;lera fue enterrada en fosas comunes llamadas cementerios colerientos. La hip&oacute;tesis planteada durante esta investigaci&oacute;n establece que la epidemia de c&oacute;lera fue el agente catal&iacute;tico para crear p&aacute;nico en la ciudad de San Juan y as&iacute; ejercer la presi&oacute;n necesaria para eliminar los boh&iacute;os y a los habitantes considerados como focos de enfermedades contagiosas.</p>

<p> This dissertation examines two radically different political projects in Argentina as moments in a dynamic of revolution and counterrevolution. The short-lived, progressive Peronist government of 1973 sought to construct a more egalitarian and democratic society, addressing social inequalities while fomenting political mobilization. In response, the last and most violent military dictatorship (1976&ndash;1983) aimed at suppressing social antagonisms and the perceived excesses of mass democracy. In each case, education was a means to form citizens suitable to a specific conception of society. Therefore, each political project can be understood with special clarity through an examination of civic education and pedagogic reforms. The progressive Peronist government encouraged students to participate in exploring and addressing social inequalities to bring about social justice. The dictatorship was counterrevolutionary insofar as it put forth an ideological project without precedent in previous military regimes that aimed not simply at preserving the status quo ante but at founding a new society. In order to do so, it sought to eradicate &ldquo;subversion&rdquo; and to form spiritually minded, obedient, and individualistic citizens through a broad schooling reform. Based on both archival research and oral history, this dissertation sheds light on the political uses of education, on the Cold War dynamic of revolution and counterrevolution in Latin America, and on the centrality of social antagonisms for our understanding of authoritarianism. </p>

<p> Influenced by the 1960's vanguard movement of <i>Tropic&aacute;lia, </i> Itamar Assump&ccedil;&atilde;o became a leader of the so-called <i> Vanguarda Paulista</i>. He offered a new critique of the establishment while taking part in an independent DIY scene. This critique took the form of a detached and ironic narrative voice, and the exploration and reimagining of Samba and Pan-Africanism through polyphony and dissonance. Assump&ccedil;&atilde;o stands out as someone who was able to generate a new synthesis of Pan-African traditions and the Brazilian Popular Song tradition. Though today there's a current generation of musicians from S&atilde;o Paulo who are influenced by Assump&ccedil;&atilde;o, he still remains largely unknown in Brazil and the rest of the world. I analyze selected pieces from his discography by looking at his lyrics and compositional procedures in order to demonstrate a vast scope of artistic thought that utilized influences from contemporary theater to Reggae.</p><p>

<p> During the early years of the 19<i>th</i> century Spanish colonies in the Americas went through dramatic political changes as new structures of governance emerged worldwide. Monarchical power throughout the world declined as representational democracy and the nation state became the new norm. This thesis focuses on two Spanish colonies and their transition to nation states, New Spain into Mexico and the R&iacute;o de la Plata into Argentina. An analysis of this transition reveals that the period was much more than just a revolutionary or Independence era, rather, it was demarcated by intense class warfare. Whereas the lower classes of the colonies vied for dramatic changes in political, social, and economic structures, elites had sought to keep intact as much as possible colonial mechanisms of power whilst separating from the Spanish monarchy. This thesis uses constitutions, decrees, laws, and personal letters written by actors from both sides to highlight the intensity of class warfare during this period.</p><p>

Os movimentos pela emancipação na América marcaram-na sobremaneira no início do século XIX, pelas conjunturas que levaram à formação dos novos países e também pelas disputas políticas e conflitos armados. Focos de luta surgiam simultaneamente por todo o continente, propiciando a concepção de inúmeros projetos políticos que propunham caminhos diversos para os jovens países. Na América do Sul, leste e oeste experimentam as dificuldades e alimentam as esperanças de sonhar com um mundo novo, opondo-se francamente ao colonizador, seja ele espanhol ou português, enquanto constroem as bases das novas nações. Dentre os idealizadores das novas nações, estavam Francisco de Miranda, Bernardo Monteagudo e José Bonifácio, cada qual buscando, a seu modo, uma direção que levasse as suas Américas à modernidade e à liberdade. Em seus textos, são tratadas diversas questões que desafiam a constituição dos novos Estados, entre elas a delimitação de uma unidade territorial, a construção de uma identidade própria e a definição de uma forma justa de governo, indagações comuns a outros tantos pensadores da época. Por conta disso, tais pontos norteiam, a partir da comparação entre as percepções de cada um dos três autores, esta análise das aproximações e distanciamentos de suas formas de pensar, aparentemente tão diferentes entre si. Assim, acredita-se ser possível encontrar aspectos que levem a uma compreensão da circulação de ideias na América do Sul deste período, indo além do tradicional entendimento de que os processos nas porções espanhola e portuguesa foram díspares em sua essência. / Emancipation movements in America have profoundly scarred the continent in the beginning of the 19th century, for conjunctures which led to the establishment of new countries as well as political disputes and armed conflicts. Uprisings simultaneously rose all over the continent, encouraging innumerous political projects to put forward an array of paths to the newborn countries. In South America, East and West underwent difficulties and nurtured hope of dreaming of a new world, frankly opposing colonizer, Spanish or Portuguese, whilst building new nations foundations. Amid the new nations idealizers were Francisco de Miranda, Bernardo Monteagudo and José Bonifácio, each one looking, by their own means, for a direction that could lead to modernity and freedom. In their corpora, the authors examine several issues that challenge those new States shaping, among which the delimitation of a territorial unity, building self identity and establishing a fair form of government, queries that are shared amongst so many other thinkers at that time. Because of that, the aforementioned points steer, based on the comparison of the perceptions of each of the three authors, this analysis of approximations and distancing of their way of thinking, apparently quite different to each other. That way, we believe that it is possible to find some aspects which take us to a new comprehension of the circulation of ideas in that period South America, outreaching the traditional understanding which states that the political emancipation processes in Spanish and Portuguese regions were disparate in their essence.

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