Thesis. 1975. M.C.P.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Urban Studies and Planning. / Bibliography: leaves 91-95. / M.C.P.

Graduation date: 1996

The thesis analyzes the demographic, attitudinal and behavioral characteristics of animal rights activists, placing them in the context of resource policy. It is argued that the animal rights movement combined the Victorian critique of empiricism with a reaction to modernity that was characteristic of other contemporary mass movements. Animal rights activism emerged from a sociopolitical milieu that legitimized and encouraged political activism in the form of interest groups, and was consistent with American interest group politics. Nonetheless, the movement could not have appeared in its current form prior to the 1960's. Changes in American politics during the last four decades have facilitated the emergence of mass movements, including civil rights and environmentalism. Survey research indicated that activists were caucasian, highly-educated urban professional women approximately thirty years old with a median income of $33,000 (1989). Most were Democrats or Independents and had moderate to liberal political views. They were often suspicious of science. It was concluded that animal rights activism is, in part, a symbolic manifestation of egalitarian social and political beliefs reacting to scientific and technological change. The California Wildlife Protection Act of 1990 provided a case study of the movement's implications for natural resource policy. Activists were able to ban the hunting of mountain lions and reallocate $900 million dollars in the California budget toward habitat acquisition. They demonstrated sophistication and finesse in building a coalition with environmentalists. Nevertheless, both movements were divided by fundamental philosophical differences which makes political cooperation difficult. Animal rights activism was also marked by extraordinary levels of intensity which arose from quasi-religious fervor, and it is suggested that activism fulfills Yinger's functional definition of religion in the lives of at least some of the movement's core constituency. This explains the movement's ability to retain activism in the face of incremental change. The thesis concludes with a discussion concerning the future implications of animal rights activism in society (312 words). / Graduation date: 1994

This thesis has taken an in-depth look into bank computer security, the bank security officer, and "The 1968 Bank Protection Act."To accomplish this, a questionnaire was developed and furnished to all bank members of the Indiana Bankers Association to be responded to by the bank security officers. This document was based on the premise that this bank officer is ill-trained, overworked by unrelated duties, and generally not interested in security."The 1968 Bank Protection Act" made this officer's position a legal requirement to maintain its banking operation and charged this officer with certain duties.The resultant responses verified the original hypothesis and showed a need for future training.This thesis shows the profile of, a computer criminal and also some cases to illustrate the type and scope of criminal ventures related to bank computer facilities. This was all coupled with an analysis of the law as it applies and offers a training vehicle to bring this officer up to a level of competency in this field.Ball State UniversityMuncie, IN 47306

Fiscal stress is an important and recurring problem that states face. Research to date on state fiscal stress involves, predominantly, cross-sectional and case study analyses and does not address the effectiveness of state responses. Many of these studies use different definitions and measures of fiscal stress compounding the difficulty of comparing fiscal stress findings. The present research effort adds to the fiscal stress literature by (1) clarifying the meaning of fiscal stress in the state context, (2) developing a measure of fiscal stress that operationalizes this meaning and is comparable across units, and 3) using this measure analyzes patterns in and the effectiveness of state responses. Fiscal stress is measured using four indexes: budget, cash, long-run, service-level. Eleven financial indicators, calculated using data from state Comprehensive Annual Financial Reports (CAFRs), are used to create these indexes for all fifty states for the years 2002-2009. Descriptive analysis compares state fiscal stress levels (grouped into low, moderate, and high fiscal stress by cluster analysis) to state economic growth rates, state responses, and institutional factors yielding several findings. First, states do not use an incremental or punctuated equilibrium strategy in responding to fiscal stress; nor do their responses follow the pattern predicted by Cutback Management theory. Second, institutional factors affect both the levels of fiscal stress and state responses to fiscal stress. Regression analysis supports and extends these findings. First, short-term responses of expenditure cuts, tax increases, and rainy day fund use do not affect state fiscal stress levels. Second, these responses have long-term effects on fiscal stress levels. A major implication of this research is that there is very little states can do in the short-term to reduce fiscal stress. However, by balancing expenditures and revenues states can set themselves up to weather the next economic downturn with lower levels of fiscal stress.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 123-128). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / x, 128 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

While asbestos has been called a 'miracle substance' because of its unique properties, asbestos has also caused cancer in those exposed to its indestructible fibres. This mix of benefits and costs has made the regulation of asbestos particularly difficult for policymakers; in both countries, regulation has been characterized by exceptional measures. In Canada, regulating asbestos has led to innumerable government studies, including the Ontario Royal Commission on Matters of Health and Safety Arising from the Use of Asbestos (1984). The Commission's Report was unique in its extensive scope and detail. Its three volume report included a detailed treatment of asbestos-related diseases, quantitative risk estimates, and assessments of current regulations. The regulatory history of asbestos in the US was also somewhat exceptional. It involved a protracted battle between the Environmental Protection Agency and the Office of Management and Budget. Out of this battle came a House Subcommittee investigation into OMB interference in EPA rulemaking (1985). The comprehensiveness of the Royal Commission's Report is highly significant given that detailed scientific explanations of policy, and the criteria used to balance costs and benefits are usually not explicitly revealed by Canadian regulators. In this sense, the somewhat anomalous nature of the Commission's Report offers an especially detailed view of regulating hazardous substances in Canada. Like the Royal Commission Report, the House investigation provides an extraordinarily detailed look at the politics of regulating a hazardous substance. Out of these involved deliberations, though, emerge very different policies on asbestos. While the US has implemented a three-stage ban, Canadian regulators view asbestos primarily as an occupational problem. The workplace standards of the US, Ontario and Quebec differ, with the US being more stringent. The contributions of this paper stem from its balanced consideration of scientific and political determinants and its comparative nature. This balanced consideration illustrates the double impact of science. While science can set the boundaries of a policy debate, uncertain areas of scientific evidence are usually politicized by competing interests. Thus, the less science is certain, the more politics matters. Within the boundaries set by science, various political forces have an impact on the policy process. Policies are shown to emerge from very different interrelationships between state structures and societal actors, influenced by varying degrees of economic dependence on asbestos. Group theory alone fails to explain the divergent policy outcomes; so do neo-Marxist and institutionalist approaches. Thus, this study demonstrates the superiority of integrative approaches, as opposed to those which emphasize one causal variable at the expense of others. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate