Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Genève, 1938. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [103]-107) and index.

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This dissertation is a study of the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC) from its inception in 1919 to the Brussels Conference in 1925. The study argues, based upon evidence from ICC conference proceedings and reports that the ICC, as well as the League of Nations, was part of the pre-war Allied (the United States, Great Britain, and France) imperial project that sought to maintain Allied global hegemony following the Great War. The businessmen of the ICC, who had numerous Allied political ties, were descendants of the social Darwinist milieu, which guided their thought processes and perceptions of the world. Their belief that they operated in a globalized world was, therefore, a misconception. Business leaders were mistakenly convinced that free trade would create and maintain world peace. Business and government operated through a symbiotic relationship throughout the 1920s. Fledgling industries, including automotive and air transport, relied upon government assistance. Thus, Allied and corporate international manipulation of markets was cloaked in the rhetoric of “free trade.” Furthermore, ICC business leaders, operating during the Progressive Era’s focus upon scientific efficiency, were convinced that mass production was the key to rebuilding the global economy in the aftermath of the Great War. Evidence shows that the political economic system erected by the bankers, businessmen and politicians of the 1920s helped lay the foundations for the Great Depression. The system, controlled by the Allied powers, included the gold standard system of international fiduciary exchange, trade regimes operated under the auspices of Anglo-Saxon jurisprudence, Allied multinational corporate (MNC) control of Latin America and the Middle East, via electrical MNCs and oil MNCs, and the control and manipulation of labor and migration. This study contributes to the literature concerning the causes of the Great Depression as well as studies regarding global capitalism. Moreover, the evidence contained within this work suggests that many parts of the neoliberalist argument are actually rooted in the 1920s rather than the late 1970s.

This study sought to test on the state level the validity of Thomas A. Bailey's theory on reactions to the proposal for a League of Nations following World War I. Bailey, a noted diplomatic historian, suggested that most groups were guided by partisan loyalties to either support or oppose the League. Indiana newspaper editors were chosen as the test group for study because of their influence with the public and the accessibility of their views. Ten Indiana newspapers were surveyed fully between January 1919 and the end of March 1920, and an additional eleven papers were spot-checked during that period. The state newspapers were divided as equally as possible based upon their support for either the Democratic or the Republican party, and then were compared to two national newspapers, one Democratic and one Republican.The results of these comparisons appear to validate Bailey's hypothesis. The editorial positions of most of the Indiana newspapers coincided with the positions of thepolitical parties with which they were identified. The study also revealed greater diversity of opinion among editors of both political persuasions during the early months of 1919 as the participants at the Paris Peace Conference worked toward the first draft of the Covenant. After President Wilson presented the Treaty of Versailles to the United States Senate, partisan debate ensued, and a narrowing of editorial opinion parallel to that debate was evident among newspapers on both sides. Pro-League newspapers supported Wilson's position from the time he presented it to the Senate in July 1919. Anti-League newspapers supported Senator Henry Cabot Lodge and his followers in the Senate from about the same time. Neither group changed significantly from then until the final defeat of the treaty in March 1920. Thus, it would appear that Bailey's hypothesis regarding the partisan origins of most group's positions was correct. / Department of History

The Boy Scout Movement is one of the most influential youth movements of the twentieth century. Begun in the context of Edwardian imperialism as a foil to fears of racial decline, the movement’s militarism became a liability following the First World War, when Scouting’s widespread, trans-national popularity forced it to enter the political sphere that dominates international relations. Based on extensive archival research in both the United Kingdom and Canada, this thesis traces the evolution of the Scout Movement from a British imperial institution into an international brotherhood in the 1920s and 1930s. It reveals a tense relationship between the worldwide membership and the central administration of the movement. Despite efforts by founder Robert Baden-Powell to create an image of unity, Scouting proved ungovernable from a single ideological source, and local conditions dictated the form that it took in each domestic situation. Scouting therefore both deeply influenced, and was influenced by, the cultures and communities into which it was transplanted.

Thesis (doctoral)--Université de Genève, 1938. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [103]-107) and index.

Thesis--Bonn. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 367-538).

Thèse--Univ. de Genève. / Bibliography: p. [245]-251.

Thesis (doctorat)--Faculté de droit de Paris, 1927. / Includes bibliographical references.

The purpose of the present thesis, is to trace the development of the idea of world organization to secure world peace. An endeavor is made to give a brief survey of the best known peace plans of history with a critical evaluation of the contribution of each to the ideas embodied in the League of Nations and the United Nations.