Originally presented as the author's thesis (master's)--al-Jāmiʻah al-Urdunīyah, 1985. / At head of cover title: al-Jāmiʻah al-Urdunīyah, Jāmiʻat al-Yarmūk. Includes bibliographical references (p. 231-250).

This thesis addresses the question of the shift in the sectarian framing of political conflict and violence in Lebanon by focusing on the period between 2000 and 2010. Lebanon represents an interesting case where the saliencies of sectarian dichotomies have been drastically remodelled in only a few years following the Hariri assassination in 2005. Whereas most studies focus on long-term ethnic and sectarian conflicts, few have addressed the issue of fast remodelling of sectarian divisions in times of political turmoil. How do sectarian schisms shift in a short period of time? Why do some political changes affect sectarian dichotomies and not others? What factors can push some people to take part in clashes framed as sectarian violence? In short, how does political closure happen along sectarian lines? In order to answer these questions, this thesis uses a triangulation of qualitative and quantitative methods to disentangle the relationship between political change and sectarianism. Building on the social movement literature, it argues that street mobilisations, understood as peaceful or violent collective action, are important mechanisms through which political conflict can assume sectarian overtones. It relies on a compiled dataset of protest events that occurred in Beirut between 2000 and 2010, and applies network analysis techniques in order to study coalition formations and shifts in alliances. This analysis is combined with semi-structured interviews with a sample of 29 residents of Beirut neighbourhoods that witnessed violent clashes in 2007/8. The analysis of my data suggests that the Hariri assassination marked a turning point in the dynamics of contentious politics in Lebanon, and acted as a catalyst for the emergence and consolidation of new coalitions and sectarian dichotomies. The study argues that sectarian political parties are the main channels through which political and sectarian depictions become interchangeable. It suggests that in order for a political shift to be understood in sectarian terms, two main factors need to be taken into account: (i) the competing political parties should represent sectarian communities that are able to compete demographically (in terms of size), and (ii) the competing parties should be able to represent the majority of their sectarian communities (intra-sectarian homogeneity). The analysis of my qualitative data explores the mechanisms at work during periods of collective violence, and shows that drivers such as peer pressure, neighbourhood-level networks, material grievances, pleasure in agency, ideology and previous fighting experience seem to explain individual decisions to participate in collective violence more than sectarian hatred. In fact, rather than being the primary cause of the violence, sectarian cleavages seem to have been crystallised by the 2007/8 episodes of violence. Consequently, this thesis concludes that whereas the conflict in Lebanon today is often understood and framed in sectarian terms, a closer analysis suggests that the conflict at a macro level is essentially political and its implications at the micro level can best be understood beyond the notion of sectarianism.

No description available.

Photocopy of typescript. / Bibliography: leaves 345-351. / Microfiche. / vii, 351 leaves, bound 28 cm

Thesis (M.F.A.)--University of North Texas, Aug., 2007. / Title from title page display. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Western Sydney, Nepean, 1997. / Includes bibliography.

Originally presented as the author's thesis (doctoral--Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 2006). / Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-316).

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Vrije Universiteit Amsterdam, 2006). / Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-316).

No description available.

There exists only one manuscript about ecclesiastical Maronite ecclesiastical architecture (written in the 17th century by the patriarch Stephen el Dweihi) and there is no revised or subsequent work of reference, which this thesis aims to address. To this end, these were the critical questions investigated: This thesis begins by taking stock of the extant vestiges which, with a few exceptions, are confined to Mount Lebanon and north-east Lebanon namely in Byblos, Batroun, Bcharri, Koura, Keserwan, Matn. This area is characterized by a series of spurs and mountain tops, wild deep valleys and remoteness, and the architecture is rooted in this landscape. Its resources for construction are the materials at hand, and the buildings are usually located in villages on the spurs, and one finds that the Maronite ecclesiastical architecture is indistinguishable from the general secular and residential architecture. As such it is "grows" out of the land, is modest in size and scale, and is historically without belfry, i.e. a hidden architecture. While the general disposition of Christian churches is similar, Maronite vernacular houses and churches are block-like with flat roofs, stone walls, and very often with vaulted interiors and minimal of openings. The church is thus another house, rectangular and aligned east-west and is devoid of decoration; the sanctuary is usually apsidal with a minor aperture above the apex of the dome and below the vault of the nave. The particular characteristics of the Maronite church are its east-west orientation - parallel to the spurs which characterize the littoral Lebanon - the presence of a sustainable source of water, and an evergreen tree. The church was conceived for a standing form of worship and without physical barrier between the nave and the sanctuary; and the main and possibly sole source of daylight (but the open door) is the eastern aperture. The bima platform is located in the nave to reflect the monotheistic ideology adopted by the Maronites. Over the centuries, and despite the influences from the Roman Catholic Church, with which it is in full communion, the Maronite church has preserved its identity which is austere and, in particular, free of the 'dramatic mysteries' associated especially with the Baroque churches. Having studied Dweihi's manuscript and his 11 chapters on Maronite ecclesiastical architecture, this thesis asks whether these are still relevant? How can the manuscript be updated for contemporary interpretation towards a rooted modem Maronite ecclesiastical architecture? The architecture of Lebanon has fascinated at least three authors (Ragette, Liger Belair, and Abou Sawan) whose works date from the late 20th century and have become standard references. Others have documented various works on the Maronite people and their religion, but, not since Dweihi' s manuscript of the 17th century has an attempt been made at documenting and extending Maronite concepts for ecclesiastical architecture. Interestingly, Dweihi in his time was reacting to what he saw as a contamination of the Maronite church by Roman Catholic influences; this thesis was prompted by insensitive and ignorance in contemporary Maronite ecclesiastical architecture. The thesis is thus dedicated to proper custodianship of the heritage and the informed and sensitive design of new 'houses ' for Maronite worship. / Thesis (Ph.D.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2004.