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Within the past 100 years, the protection of archaeological and other cultural resources have fallen in part under federal jurisdiction. The role of federal legislation and regulations, with particular emphasis on the Archaeological Resources Protection Act of 1979 (ARPA), is evaluated in terms of guidelines, application, and effectiveness. A history of federal legislation is presented, followed by an in-depth review and analysis of ARPA. The relevance and applicability of ARPA and other legislation is reviewed in terms of resource significance, definitions of archaeological material, logistics of law enforcement, and prosecution of violators. A case review is presented and analyzed. The roles of public archaeology and future legislation are discussed as they apply to continued efforts toward preservation of cultural resources.

This thesis has examined selected federal legislation, presidential executive orders, and regulatory agency guidelines to determine the impact the federal government and its various regulatory agencies have had upon personnel administration in higher education. The federal legislation analyzed in this study is: the Civil Rights Act of 1964, Title VII as amended; Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 as amended; Wage and Hour Provisions, Equal Pay Act of 1963 as amended; and the Age Discrimination in Employment Act of 1967 as amended.The Presidential Executive Order analyzed is #11246, "Nondiscrimination under Federal Contracts." The regulatory agency guidelines examined are those promulgated by the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. The guidelines are the Sex Discrimination Guidelines, Religious Discrimination Guidelines, National Origin Discrimination Guidelines, and the Testing and Selecting Employee Guidelines.The survey instrument measured participants' responses to thirty-seven questions encompassing several phases of the personnel and employment system.The compilation and analysis of the participants' responses clearly support the original hypothesis that the federal government and its various regulatory agencies have had an impact upon personnel administration in colleges and universities. The various laws, presidential executive orders, and regulatory agency guidelines have prompted a reshaping of the personnel policies and practices of institutions of higher education.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 1923. / Bibliography: p. [337]-354.

Congressional reform is the focus of my study. Congress (but primarily the House of Representatives) attempted to reform its workings from 1968 through 1975, so it might be more effective in developing comprehensive policies on national issues, and more independent of the executive branch. Reform raised expectations that the legislature would reassert its policy-making role, which had diminished during the preceding thirty years. My study examines the influence of these changes on the congressional decision-making process, including their impact on the important role played by external actors, interest groups and especially the President, who reacted to these changes. The study examines the process through an analysis of the development and passage of the most controversial provision, dealing with oil-price controls (Title IV), of Congress' major energy bill of 1975, the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (H.R. 7014). On 15 December 1975, Congress passed the Energy Policy and Conservation Act (EPCA) which President Gerald R. Ford signed into law on 22 December. The EPCA (Public Law 94-163) extended oil-price controls until 1979. The oilpricing provision had significant national and international economic and political implications. Merely to trace the tortuous chronicle of oil-pricing policy would be informative. But this study will go further by using this account to analyze congressional decision-making in the period immediately following Congress' attempts at reform. My study shows that although reforms eroded old norms and power centres, significantly altering some aspects of congressional decision-making (again primarily in the House), they did not create institutional mechanisms or distribute internal powers in such a way that Congress could independently initiate and develop comprehensive national policies. Congress remained more dependent on the President than many of its members understood. The final substance of the oil-pricing policy reflected the characteristic congressional decision-making process, which had become even more dispersed as it was democratized by reform. The committee system, without a strong executive or party control, divides issues in a way that limits decision-makers' options.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Iowa, 1923. / Bibliography: p. [337]-354.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas, 1963. / Vita. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 490-500).

Federal marijuana policy is constantly changing. This research analyzes the political forces behind these changes, emphasizing the policy per se rather than emphasizing the process by which policy-making occurs. The research is based on a policy-making framework that includes the following concepts: perception of the problem, pluralism, incrementalism, and policy cycles. Of major concern is the "problem perception" stage of this cycle, i.e., how perceptions of marijuana have affected policies toward that drug. Other drugs, particularly opiates, are analyzed only to the extent they affect marijuana policy. In the early 1800's drugs were widely used in America, and they were not perceived as a problem. Later, they were perceived as a medical problem. The Harrison Act of 1914 reflected these medical perceptions. But narcotics soon were perceived as a source of crime, and federal narcotics officials, through court procedures, used the Harrison Act to apply criminal sanctions to narcotics users, and to exclude doctors in private practice from treating drugs as a medical problem. In the 1930's marijuana was perceived by federal officials as a narcotic drug, and marijuana consumption was perceived as a criminal phenomenon. Therefore, the Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 was modeled after the Harrison Act of 1914, with penalties for marijuana violations similar to those of narcotics violations. In 1951 and 1956, the Federal Bureau of Narcotics successfully lobbied to increase the criminal sanctions for marijuana violations, despite opposition presented by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. In the 1960's new perceptions began to emerge. The 1962 White House Conference called by President Kennedy critically evaluated existing policies toward narcotics and marijuana, and it suggested that drug consumption should be treated as a medical and social problem rather than as a criminal problem. A content analysis of Presidential messages in the 1960's indicates President Kennedy probably viewed drugs as a medical problem, and Presidents Johnson and Nixon viewed drugs as a criminal problem. The 1960's saw changes in perceptions toward drugs that subsequently led to policy changes. The Narcotic Addict Rehabilitation Act of 1966 provided for emphasis on medical treatment rather than criminal sanctions for narcotics users. This act reflects a change in perceptions of marijuana by allowing probation and suspended sentences for marijuana violations, thus drawing a distinction between the consequences of narcotics consumption and marijuana consumption. The Marijuana Tax Act of 1937 was held to be a valid tax act by the Supreme Court, Litigants continued to attack the constitutionality of the act in their attempts to reverse convictions for violations of marijuana laws. Arguments based on freedom of religion, the right to privacy, the Equal Protection Clause, and cruel and unusual punishment were rejected. Timothy Leary's conviction was overturned, based on a self-incrimination argument, but the Court declined to expand this ruling. The Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970 includes provisions indicating a change in perceptions toward marijuana. Of particular importance is the provision allowing federal courts to grant probation for certain marijuana offenses, and then to expunge the offender's record of any reference to criminal sanctions for such offenses. Changes in marijuana policy have been incremental, even in recent legislation. Two groups have been responsible for most of the political conflict and policy related to marijuana. These are the Bureau of Narcotics and the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare. Private groups have been vocal but not influential. Litigants have had limited success in courts due to the lack of a united effort.