Codeswitching and loanwords are both very common in most languages. There are plenty of studies showing codeswitching to English as well as English loanwords but this study focuses instead on the influence of the German language in Japanese.The background to this essay is an article from 2010, which states that German is considered being “cool” in Japan. In order to find out if this is applicable, the frequency of codeswitching from German in some Instagram-accounts belonging to Japanese lifestyle magazines was examined as well as the frequency of using hashtags containing German loanwords (gairago). The time period for the search of codeswitching words was limited to 1st of January to 15th of May 2022, however the search for hashtags was not limited to any period of time. Purpose of the study is not to present a comprehensive research, but to show if there are any tendencies to use German words in Japan today. The findings of this thesis show that codeswitching is almost none-existing today, but that the use of German loanwords is somewhat frequent.

Carol Eastman (1991:66) stellt die Hypothese auf, dass im Swahili bestimmte Lehnworter zunächst in das Klassenpaar 5/6 - quasi als einer Art Zwischenlager - kommen, bevor sie bei der endgültigen Integration in die Sprache dem Klassenpaar 9/10 zugeordnet werden. Damit widerspricht sie der etablierten Annahme, dass Lehnwörter, wenn sie einmal in einer Sprache integriert sind, sich bezüglich ihrer Klassenzugehörigkeit nicht anders verhalten als andere Wörter und dass sie diese normalerweise nicht wechseln. Im Folgenden wollen wir aufzeigen, dass Eastmans Hypothese nicht haltbar ist und dass andere Erklärungen für das Nebeneinander verschiedener Klassenzugehörigkeiten von Lehnwortem gefunden werden müssen. Um die Hypothese einer kritischen Überprüfung zu unterziehen, ist es zunächst nötig, festzustellen, wie die inhärenten Nominalklassen im Swahili bestimmt werden. Dann wird die traditionell postulierte automatische Paarung der Singular- und Pluralklassen für die betreffenden Lehnwörter in Frage gestellt. Zunächst aber soll untersucht werden, welche Kriterien das Allokationsverhalten von Lehnwörtern in Nominalklassensprachen im allgemeinen und im Swahili im besonderen bestimmen. Dabei sollen nur die primär entlehnten Formen berücksichtigt werden, d.h diejenigen Formen, die als erste mit bestimmten entlehnten Wortstämmen gebildet worden sind (z.B. 0-pera/ ma-pera (Kl 5/6) \'Guajave\'), während die hier von derivierten Formen (z. B. m-pera/ mi-pera \'Guajavenbaum\') weitgehend unberücksichtigt bleiben.

Carol Eastman (1991:66) stellt die Hypothese auf, dass im Swahili bestimmte Lehnworter zunächst in das Klassenpaar 5/6 - quasi als einer Art Zwischenlager - kommen, bevor sie bei der endgültigen Integration in die Sprache dem Klassenpaar 9/10 zugeordnet werden. Damit widerspricht sie der etablierten Annahme, dass Lehnwörter, wenn sie einmal in einer Sprache integriert sind, sich bezüglich ihrer Klassenzugehörigkeit nicht anders verhalten als andere Wörter und dass sie diese normalerweise nicht wechseln. Im Folgenden wollen wir aufzeigen, dass Eastmans Hypothese nicht haltbar ist und dass andere Erklärungen für das Nebeneinander verschiedener Klassenzugehörigkeiten von Lehnwortem gefunden werden müssen. Um die Hypothese einer kritischen Überprüfung zu unterziehen, ist es zunächst nötig, festzustellen, wie die inhärenten Nominalklassen im Swahili bestimmt werden. Dann wird die traditionell postulierte automatische Paarung der Singular- und Pluralklassen für die betreffenden Lehnwörter in Frage gestellt. Zunächst aber soll untersucht werden, welche Kriterien das Allokationsverhalten von Lehnwörtern in Nominalklassensprachen im allgemeinen und im Swahili im besonderen bestimmen. Dabei sollen nur die primär entlehnten Formen berücksichtigt werden, d.h diejenigen Formen, die als erste mit bestimmten entlehnten Wortstämmen gebildet worden sind (z.B. 0-pera/ ma-pera (Kl 5/6) \''Guajave\''), während die hier von derivierten Formen (z. B. m-pera/ mi-pera \''Guajavenbaum\'') weitgehend unberücksichtigt bleiben.

Some proverbs, idioms, nominal compounds, and slogans duplicate in form and meaning between several languages. An example of these between German and English is Liebe auf den ersten Blick and “love at first sight” (Flippo, 2009), whereas, an example between Kiswahili and English is uchaguzi ulio huru na haki and “free and fair election.” Duplication of these strings of words between languages that are as different in descent and typology as Kiswahili and English is irregular. On this ground, Kiswahili academies and a number of experts of Kiswahili assumed – prior to the present study – that the Kiswahili versions of the expressions are the derivatives from their English congruent counterparts. The assumption nonetheless lacked empirical evidence and also discounted other potential causes of the phenomenon, i.e. analogical extension, nativism and cognitive metaphoricalization (Makkai, 1972; Land, 1974; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b; Ruhlen, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Gleitman and Newport, 1995). Out of this background, we assumed an academic obligation of empirically investigating what causes this formal and semantic duplication of strings of words (multiword expressions) between English and Kiswahili to a degree beyond chance expectations. In this endeavour, we employed checklist to 24, interview to 43, online questionnaire to 102, translation test to 47 and translationality test to 8 respondents. Online questionnaire respondents were from 21 regions of Tanzania, whereas, those of the rest of the tools were from Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Pwani, Lindi, Dodoma and Kigoma. Complementarily, we analysed the Chemnitz Corpus of Swahili (CCS), the Helsinki Swahili Corpus (HSC), and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) for clues on the sources and trends of expressions exhibiting this characteristic between Kiswahili and English. Furthermore, we reviewed the Bible, dictionaries, encyclopaedia, books, articles, expressions lists, wikis, and phrase books in pursuit of etymologies, and histories of concepts underlying the focus expressions. Our analysis shows that most of the Kiswahili versions of the focus expressions are the function of loan translation and rendition from English. We found that economic, political and technological changes, mostly induced by liberalization policy of the 1990s in Tanzania, created lexical gaps in Kiswahili that needed to be filled. We discovered that Kiswahili, among other means, fill such gaps through loan translation and loan rendition of English phrases. Prototypical examples of notions whose English labels Kiswahili has translated word for word are such as “human rights”, “free and fair election”, “the World Cup” and “multiparty democracy”. We can conclude that Kiswahili finds it easier and economical to translate the existing English labels for imported notions rather than innovating original labels for the concepts. Even so, our analysis revealed that a few of the Kiswahili duplicate multiword expressions might be a function of nativism, cognitive metaphoricalization and analogy phenomena. We, for instance, observed that formulation of figurative meanings follow more or less similar pattern across human languages – the secondary meanings deriving from source domains. As long as the source domains are common in many human\'s environment, we found it plausible for certain multiword expressions to spontaneously duplicate between several human languages. Academically, our study has demonstrated how multiword expressions, which duplicate between several languages, can be studied using primary data, corpora, documentary review and observation. In particular, the study has designed a framework for studying sources of the expressions and even terminologies for describing the phenomenon. What\'s more, the study has collected a number of expressions that duplicate between Kiswahili and English languages, which other researchers can use in similar studies.

Some proverbs, idioms, nominal compounds, and slogans duplicate in form and meaning between several languages. An example of these between German and English is Liebe auf den ersten Blick and “love at first sight” (Flippo, 2009), whereas, an example between Kiswahili and English is uchaguzi ulio huru na haki and “free and fair election.” Duplication of these strings of words between languages that are as different in descent and typology as Kiswahili and English is irregular. On this ground, Kiswahili academies and a number of experts of Kiswahili assumed – prior to the present study – that the Kiswahili versions of the expressions are the derivatives from their English congruent counterparts. The assumption nonetheless lacked empirical evidence and also discounted other potential causes of the phenomenon, i.e. analogical extension, nativism and cognitive metaphoricalization (Makkai, 1972; Land, 1974; Lakoff & Johnson, 1980b; Ruhlen, 1987; Lakoff, 1987; Gleitman and Newport, 1995). Out of this background, we assumed an academic obligation of empirically investigating what causes this formal and semantic duplication of strings of words (multiword expressions) between English and Kiswahili to a degree beyond chance expectations. In this endeavour, we employed checklist to 24, interview to 43, online questionnaire to 102, translation test to 47 and translationality test to 8 respondents. Online questionnaire respondents were from 21 regions of Tanzania, whereas, those of the rest of the tools were from Zanzibar, Dar es Salaam, Pwani, Lindi, Dodoma and Kigoma. Complementarily, we analysed the Chemnitz Corpus of Swahili (CCS), the Helsinki Swahili Corpus (HSC), and the Corpus of Contemporary American English (COCA) for clues on the sources and trends of expressions exhibiting this characteristic between Kiswahili and English. Furthermore, we reviewed the Bible, dictionaries, encyclopaedia, books, articles, expressions lists, wikis, and phrase books in pursuit of etymologies, and histories of concepts underlying the focus expressions. Our analysis shows that most of the Kiswahili versions of the focus expressions are the function of loan translation and rendition from English. We found that economic, political and technological changes, mostly induced by liberalization policy of the 1990s in Tanzania, created lexical gaps in Kiswahili that needed to be filled. We discovered that Kiswahili, among other means, fill such gaps through loan translation and loan rendition of English phrases. Prototypical examples of notions whose English labels Kiswahili has translated word for word are such as “human rights”, “free and fair election”, “the World Cup” and “multiparty democracy”. We can conclude that Kiswahili finds it easier and economical to translate the existing English labels for imported notions rather than innovating original labels for the concepts. Even so, our analysis revealed that a few of the Kiswahili duplicate multiword expressions might be a function of nativism, cognitive metaphoricalization and analogy phenomena. We, for instance, observed that formulation of figurative meanings follow more or less similar pattern across human languages – the secondary meanings deriving from source domains. As long as the source domains are common in many human\'s environment, we found it plausible for certain multiword expressions to spontaneously duplicate between several human languages. Academically, our study has demonstrated how multiword expressions, which duplicate between several languages, can be studied using primary data, corpora, documentary review and observation. In particular, the study has designed a framework for studying sources of the expressions and even terminologies for describing the phenomenon. What\'s more, the study has collected a number of expressions that duplicate between Kiswahili and English languages, which other researchers can use in similar studies.