In A White Wedding? The Racial Politics of Same-Sex Marriage, I examine the inter-locking relations of power that constitute the lesbian/gay subject recognized by the Canadian nation-state as deserving of access to civil marriage. Through analysis of legal documents, Parliamentary and Senate debates, and interviews with lawyers, I argue that this lesbian/gay subject achieves intelligibility in the law by trading in on and shoring up the terms of racialized neo-liberal citizenship. I also argue that the victory of same-sex marriage is implicated in reproducing and securing a racialized Canadian national identity as well as a racialized civilizational logic, where “gay rights” are the newest manifestation of the modernity of the “West” in a post-9/11 historical context. By centring a critical race/queer conceptual framework, this research project follows the discursive practices of respectability, freedom and civility that circulate both widely and deeply in this legal struggle. I contend that in order to successfully shed its historical markers of degeneracy, the lesbian/gay subject must be constituted not as a sexed citizen but rather as a neoliberal citizen, one who is intimately tied to notions of privacy, property, autonomy and freedom of choice, and hence one who is racialized as white. The critical race/queer analytic also attends to the temporal and spatial registers framing this legal struggle that re-install various troubling racial hierarchies in a “gay rights” project often lauded as progressive. This analysis of the discursive terrain of same-sex marriage reveals the race shadow that lies at the heart of this equality-rights struggle. The conclusion of this thesis provides reflections for developing an ethics of activism that dislodges and resists the (re)production of racialized relations of power in lesbian and gay equality rights activism. In so doing, I seek to provoke, question and re-draw the landscape of our thinking, not only about same-sex marriage but also about the terms with which we conceive, articulate and practice racial and sexual justice.

In A White Wedding? The Racial Politics of Same-Sex Marriage, I examine the inter-locking relations of power that constitute the lesbian/gay subject recognized by the Canadian nation-state as deserving of access to civil marriage. Through analysis of legal documents, Parliamentary and Senate debates, and interviews with lawyers, I argue that this lesbian/gay subject achieves intelligibility in the law by trading in on and shoring up the terms of racialized neo-liberal citizenship. I also argue that the victory of same-sex marriage is implicated in reproducing and securing a racialized Canadian national identity as well as a racialized civilizational logic, where “gay rights” are the newest manifestation of the modernity of the “West” in a post-9/11 historical context. By centring a critical race/queer conceptual framework, this research project follows the discursive practices of respectability, freedom and civility that circulate both widely and deeply in this legal struggle. I contend that in order to successfully shed its historical markers of degeneracy, the lesbian/gay subject must be constituted not as a sexed citizen but rather as a neoliberal citizen, one who is intimately tied to notions of privacy, property, autonomy and freedom of choice, and hence one who is racialized as white. The critical race/queer analytic also attends to the temporal and spatial registers framing this legal struggle that re-install various troubling racial hierarchies in a “gay rights” project often lauded as progressive. This analysis of the discursive terrain of same-sex marriage reveals the race shadow that lies at the heart of this equality-rights struggle. The conclusion of this thesis provides reflections for developing an ethics of activism that dislodges and resists the (re)production of racialized relations of power in lesbian and gay equality rights activism. In so doing, I seek to provoke, question and re-draw the landscape of our thinking, not only about same-sex marriage but also about the terms with which we conceive, articulate and practice racial and sexual justice.

Thesis (D. Phil.(Educational Psychology))-University of Pretoria, 2005. / Paper copy accompanied by a CD-ROM. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

Stories abound within our culture, and rarely are stories bestowed more legitimacy than within the courts. Social "facts" might be established within the legal forum, but nonetheless connect to everyday life. Research in social movements and judicial politics is thus becoming increasingly useful as social movement organizations increasingly compete before the Court to effect cultural change through the reification of their stories. Lesbian, gay and bisexuals form one group of storytellers whose "collective stories" are told. It is this set of stories that this paper investigates, following the "narrative turn" in sociology to analyze LGB social movement narratives in the empirical setting of the Supreme Court. I present the findings of my content analysis of the amicus curiae, or "friend of the Court," briefs and Court opinions in the Bowers v. Hardwick and Lawrence and Garner v. Texas cases, two of the most significant LGB rights cases, covering a span of nearly twenty years. Despite virtually identical casefacts, the Court handed down differing decisions, first ruling against the social movement before later reversing its decision. This research assesses how the narrative voices in the cases changed within the discourse of the Court, and how these collective narratives resonated within a changing culture. First, I assess how LGB social movement organizations, their allies, and countermovement organizations changed their framings and frame alignment processes, how they changed their emotions work and rhetoric, and how these changes were evidence of organizations' identity work processes during the interim between cases. Next, I assess changes in framings and frame alignment processes and emotions work and rhetoric within the opinions handed down by the Court. This serves two purposes: it allows for a comparison of organizational frame resonance with the Court, and also allows analysis of the decisions' resonance within the larger culture. Analysis is also made of the symbolic meanings found within the opinions of the Court in both cases. This analysis shows that LGB social movement and countermovement organizations operate within a cultural code of sexuality. Narratives are useful in observing how norms within this cultural code are enforced, strengthened, or changed by negotiation and legitimization before the Court. Consequently, this research contributes not only to our understandings of cultural change, but also to social movement theory, especially of identity work processes, to the field of social psychology, to the sociology of sexualities, and to the sociology of emotions and emotions work.

No description available.

No description available.

彭家維. / "2009年7月". / "2009 nian 7 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 127-138). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Peng Jiawei. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 / Chapter > --- 研究動機´ؤ´ؤ從「女『同志』」說起 --- p.1 / Chapter > --- 研究目的 --- p.3 / Chapter > --- 研究方法 --- p.5 / Chapter > --- 論文架構 --- p.6 / Chapter 第二章 --- 香港´Ø同志´Ø影展的文化場域 / Chapter > --- 引言 --- p.8 / Chapter > --- 香港´Ø影展 --- p.9 / Chapter > --- 同志´Ø影展 --- p.10 / Chapter > --- 香港´Ø同志 --- p.12 / Chapter > --- 不是同志運動的同志運動 --- p.14 / Chapter > --- 後殖民香港的獨特情境 --- p.21 / Chapter > --- 不是同志電影的同志電影 --- p.23 / Chapter > --- 香港同志影展的獨特性 --- p.25 / Chapter > --- 小結 --- p.34 / Chapter 第三章 --- 香港同志影展的歷史脈絡 / Chapter > --- 引言 --- p.36 / Chapter > --- 香港同志影展二十年 --- p.36 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 實驗期：一九八九年至一九九八年 --- p.37 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 轉型期：二零零零年至二零零三年 --- p.52 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 多元性別轉向：二零零四年至今 --- p.63 / Chapter > --- 粉紅消費迷思下愈趨商業化的同志影展 --- p.72 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 邊緣的邊緣：階層、種族、語言和性別 --- p.75 / Chapter > --- 小結 --- p.79 / Chapter 第四章 --- 性別戰場：她們的影展故事 / Chapter > --- 引言 --- p.82 / Chapter > --- 女同性戀女性主義 --- p.83 / Chapter > --- 她們與香港同志影展的故事 --- p.85 / Chapter > --- 商業為先，男同志次之，社群為輕? --- p.87 / Chapter > --- 女仔戲不賣座？ --- p.90 / Chapter > --- 還是錢的問題 --- p.95 / Chapter > --- 知其不可而為之：女策展人的定位與策略 --- p.99 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 選片方面 --- p.99 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 政治結盟 --- p.107 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 不同層面的介入 --- p.110 / Chapter > --- 小結 --- p.114 / Chapter 第五章 --- 結論 --- p.117 / 參考書目 --- p.127 / 附錄 / Chapter > --- 【附錄1】年度影展資料 --- p.139 / Chapter > --- 【附錄2】年度電影列表 --- p.146 / Chapter > --- 【附錄3】研究倫理 --- p.179 / Chapter > --- 【附錄4】訪談錄 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 【附錄4.1】游靜 --- p.186 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 【附錄4.2】麥海珊 --- p.207 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 【附錄4.3】鄧芝珊 --- p.231 / Chapter ´ةŒ --- 【附錄4.4】 Vicci Ho --- p.258 / Chapter > --- 【附錄5】影展場刊 284 (附件）

No description available.

The goal of this dissertation is to examine minority stress in the lives of gay and lesbian individuals and couples. To do this I conducted three separate, but empirically and conceptually related studies using data from 68 self-identified gay men and lesbians. Of these, 38 participants were coupled (n = 19 couples). All three studies were informed by minority stress theory. In the first study I examined individual (N = 68) and partner (n = 38) correlates and associations with concern for safety because of sexual orientation and harassment because of sexual orientation. Comfort with homosexuality was the strongest negative predictor of concern for safety because of sexual orientation. Further, involvement with gay related activities was found to be the strongest positive predictor of harassment because of sexual orientation. In the next two studies I examined the daily influence of minority stress for same-sex couples (n = 19). In the second study I examined how daily public displays (PDA) of affection are associated with daily relationship satisfaction, daily concern for safety because of sexual orientation, and daily harassment because of sexual orientation. I found daily PDA to be positively associated with concurrent and lagged relationship satisfaction, positively associated with concurrent and lagged concern for safety, and concurrent, lagged, and prospective increases in harassment because of sexual orientation. In the third and final study I examined the moderating effect of daily relationship satisfaction on the relationships between daily concern for safety and harassment in predicting daily physical health and well-being. I find that daily concern for safety and harassment are not associated with daily physical health suggesting that the negative effects of minority stress on physical health are more cumulative and do not fluctuate from day-to-day. I also find that daily relationship satisfaction does moderate the relationship between daily concern for safety and harassment and their daily well-being in unexpected ways. Collectively, this dissertation illustrates the complex influence of minority stress in the lives of gay and lesbian individuals and couples in two ways: first, as it pertains to how personal characteristics and behaviors (e.g. involvement with gay related activities and engagement in PDA) are associated with minority stress overall and on a daily basis; second, by illustrating the daily influence of minority stress on daily physical health and well-being. In conclusion, in these studies I highlight the complexity of life and how minority stress, stress that is unique to gay men and lesbian individuals and couples, complicates otherwise beneficial behaviors. Further, I illustrate the long and short term ramifications minority stress has on gay men and lesbian individuals and couples.

This thesis investigates how an institutional coordination of civic policies and organizational processes within Pride Toronto were brought to bear on the activist group Queers Against Israeli Apartheid (QuAIA) in their attempts to participate in the 2010, 2011, and 2012 Toronto Pride Parades. Utilizing an institutional ethnography (IE), I explore this issue in two key ways. First, by mapping a work-text-work sequence of QuAIA’s experience in applying to march in the 2010 Parade, I demonstrate how the application process was subject to social relations that extended beyond Toronto Pride. Second, through the elaboration of processing interchanges, I demonstrate how the experiences of QuAIA were hooked into a series of translocal relations via Pride Toronto’s funding relationship to the City of Toronto. These translocal relations working through the City of Toronto were themselves varied, from pro-Zionist pressure on individual City councilors, to an alignment with anti-tax and arguably homophobic interests on council. / Graduate