O presente trabalho de pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar a forma como o jornal A Reforma, de Porto Alegre, órgão de imprensa do Partido Liberal, apresentava em suas publicações os aspectos referentes a escravidão e liberdade que estavam em pauta nos debates e discussões, no período compreendido entre 1870 e 1888. A partir de suas páginas, foi possível perceber que havia uma propaganda favorável à emancipação dos cativos. Esse aspecto foi verificado, principalmente, nas notícias de concessão de liberdade, em que havia a exaltação dos senhores por sua filantropia e seus sentimentos humanitários. Por outro lado, nos artigos ali publicados, de autoria do jornal ou transcritos, a solução para a escravidão estava sempre relacionada à gradualidade e à manutenção da ordem pública. Embora a maioria de suas publicações não fosse assinada, destacaram-se em suas páginas textos relacionados à escravidão de Gaspar Silveira Martins, grande líder do Partido Liberal no Rio Grande do Sul, e Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, militar, professor de história que teve destaque no movimento abolicionista de Porto Alegre na década de 1880. Entre as muitas questões que são apresentadas nesse jornal, a respeito da escravidão e da liberdade, destacaram-se aquelas ligadas ao tratamento dispensado aos escravos por parte dos senhores e da força policial, a preocupação com a situação dos escravos que regressaram da Guerra do Paraguai, as tentativas de reescravização, os casos de fugas, crimes e tentativas de revoltas por parte dos cativos. Além disso, na última década da escravidão, foi possível identificar em suas publicações um aumento da preocupação com a questão da ordem pública, em um período em que houve um aumento da população liberta. Ainda, percebeu-se uma exaltação aos sujeitos que participaram do movimento abolicionista em Porto Alegre, apresentando-os como os grandes protagonistas desse processo. / The present searching project had the main goal to analyze the way the newspaper “The Reform”, from Porto Alegre, the printing organization of the Liberal Party, presented on its publications the aspects referring to the slavery and freedom that were on roll inside the debates and arguing in the period between 1870 and 1888. Through its pages it was possible to realize that there was a fair advertisement to the captives’ emancipation. This aspect was mainly verified by the news of concession of liberty, in which there was the exaltation of the lords in order of their philanthropy and humanity feelings. On the other hand in the published articles made by the newspaper or transcribed ones the solution for the slavery was always related to the gradual and maintenance of the public order. Although most of its publications were not signed the slavery of Gaspar Silveira Martins, the great leader of the Liberal Party of Rio Grande do Sul were pointed out on its pages, and Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, military History teacher that had a distinction in the abolitionist movement of Porto Alegre on the decade of 1880. Amongst the many questions that are presented on this paper concerning the slavery and freedom showed up the ones connected to the exempt treatment to the slaves by the lords and the police force, the concern with the situation of the slaves that returned from the Paraguay War, the attempts of re-slavery, the break cases, crimes and the rebellion attempts from the captives. Besides that, on the last decade of slavery it was possible to identify on its publications an increase on the concern of the public order in a period that happens an increasing on the freedman population. In addition, it was realized an exaltation to the subjects that participated in the abolitionist movement in Porto Alegre, introducing them as the great protagonists of this process.

O presente trabalho de pesquisa teve como objetivo principal analisar a forma como o jornal A Reforma, de Porto Alegre, órgão de imprensa do Partido Liberal, apresentava em suas publicações os aspectos referentes a escravidão e liberdade que estavam em pauta nos debates e discussões, no período compreendido entre 1870 e 1888. A partir de suas páginas, foi possível perceber que havia uma propaganda favorável à emancipação dos cativos. Esse aspecto foi verificado, principalmente, nas notícias de concessão de liberdade, em que havia a exaltação dos senhores por sua filantropia e seus sentimentos humanitários. Por outro lado, nos artigos ali publicados, de autoria do jornal ou transcritos, a solução para a escravidão estava sempre relacionada à gradualidade e à manutenção da ordem pública. Embora a maioria de suas publicações não fosse assinada, destacaram-se em suas páginas textos relacionados à escravidão de Gaspar Silveira Martins, grande líder do Partido Liberal no Rio Grande do Sul, e Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, militar, professor de história que teve destaque no movimento abolicionista de Porto Alegre na década de 1880. Entre as muitas questões que são apresentadas nesse jornal, a respeito da escravidão e da liberdade, destacaram-se aquelas ligadas ao tratamento dispensado aos escravos por parte dos senhores e da força policial, a preocupação com a situação dos escravos que regressaram da Guerra do Paraguai, as tentativas de reescravização, os casos de fugas, crimes e tentativas de revoltas por parte dos cativos. Além disso, na última década da escravidão, foi possível identificar em suas publicações um aumento da preocupação com a questão da ordem pública, em um período em que houve um aumento da população liberta. Ainda, percebeu-se uma exaltação aos sujeitos que participaram do movimento abolicionista em Porto Alegre, apresentando-os como os grandes protagonistas desse processo. / The present searching project had the main goal to analyze the way the newspaper “The Reform”, from Porto Alegre, the printing organization of the Liberal Party, presented on its publications the aspects referring to the slavery and freedom that were on roll inside the debates and arguing in the period between 1870 and 1888. Through its pages it was possible to realize that there was a fair advertisement to the captives’ emancipation. This aspect was mainly verified by the news of concession of liberty, in which there was the exaltation of the lords in order of their philanthropy and humanity feelings. On the other hand in the published articles made by the newspaper or transcribed ones the solution for the slavery was always related to the gradual and maintenance of the public order. Although most of its publications were not signed the slavery of Gaspar Silveira Martins, the great leader of the Liberal Party of Rio Grande do Sul were pointed out on its pages, and Joaquim de Salles Torres Homem, military History teacher that had a distinction in the abolitionist movement of Porto Alegre on the decade of 1880. Amongst the many questions that are presented on this paper concerning the slavery and freedom showed up the ones connected to the exempt treatment to the slaves by the lords and the police force, the concern with the situation of the slaves that returned from the Paraguay War, the attempts of re-slavery, the break cases, crimes and the rebellion attempts from the captives. Besides that, on the last decade of slavery it was possible to identify on its publications an increase on the concern of the public order in a period that happens an increasing on the freedman population. In addition, it was realized an exaltation to the subjects that participated in the abolitionist movement in Porto Alegre, introducing them as the great protagonists of this process.

O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar como o Partido Conservador, o Partido Liberal e os artesãos, mobilizados pelos liberais, interpretaram e justificaram sua participação na Guerra Civil de 1851 na Nova Granada. O capítulo1sintetiza o desenvolvimento político do país, desde o fim do período colonial até o momento em que se desenvolve o conflito armado. O capítulo 2 debruça-se sobre a conjuntura granadina de meados do século XIX e apresenta a Guerra Civil de 1851, analisando a produção historiográfica a respeito do tema. Os três capítulos seguintes, que formam a segunda parte da dissertação, discutem as representações que as distintas forças políticas faziam de si mesmas, de seus adversários e da sociedade que os circundava. Um epílogo conclui a dissertação, dando particular destaque ao indulto concedido aos insurgentes conservadores após o desfecho da Guerra. / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze how the Conservative Party, the Liberal Party and the craftsmen, mobilized by the Liberals, have interpreted and justified their involvement in the Civil War of 1851 in New Granada. Chapter 1 summarizes the political development of the country, starting at the end of the colonial period until the moment when the armed conflict developed. Chapter 2 deals with the grenadine context during the mid-19th century and presents the Civil War of 1851, analyzing the historical production on the subject. The following three chapters, that form the second part of the dissertation, discuss the representations that different political forces made of themselves, their opponents and the surrounding society. An epilogue concludes the essay with particular prominence to the pardon granted to conservative insurgents, after the outcome of the war.

The organizations of national and provincial parties in Canada are understood to be separated from one another. However, it is not known whether this separation extends to the constituency-level organizations of those parties. In order to provide a better understanding of how national and provincial parties are linked at the local level (if at all), this thesis describes and accounts for the local organizations of the national Liberal Party and the provincial Liberal parties in sixteen national constituencies selected from the provinces of British Columbia, Ontario, and New Brunswick. Information from interviews with local party activists and participant observation in the ridings is used to develop a continuum of constituency-level party organizations. Descriptions of the activist bases, constituency associations, and local campaigns in each riding allow for each local organization to be placed along this continuum between integrated local organizations, which share important linkages between the national and provincial levels, and differentiated local organizations, where no such linkages exist. The placement of local organizations along this continuum is accounted for by (1) similarities or differences between the national and provincial party systems in the three provinces studied; (2) the actions of incumbent members of the national Parliament and provincial legislatures; and (3) characteristics of the constituencies. The patterns identified lead to a classification of four types of local organizations – One Political World, Interconnected Political Worlds, Distinctive Political Worlds, and Two Political Worlds – that illuminate the different forms of linkages between national and provincial parties that exist at the constituency level. This examination of the local organizations of the Liberal Party calls into question the academic consensus on the separation of national and provincial parties in Canada. Instead, the Liberal Party is characterized as an unevenly integrated party, where the parliamentary and extra-parliamentary parties are separated from provincial counterparts, but where the national and provincial parties on the ground are oftentimes integrated. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The theoretical framework of this thesis bases itself essentially upon the respective works of Arendt Lijphart and Karl Deutsch, who have studied how societal cleavages and social communication interact with each other. The present thesis's main focus is the Quebec/English Canadian duality. It uses quantitative analysis to study and compare pan-Canadian reactions to the Allaire Report that was issued by the Quebec Liberal Party in early 1991. The purpose is to try and find out whether the Allaire Report and the proposals it contains have had a divisive effect on Canadian society, and if so, to what extent. The data consists of all issues of the following newspapers over a period of time of exactly one month, from the 22nd of January and the 22nd of February, 1991 : the Calgary Herald, the Chronicle Herald, the Globe and Mail, Le Devoir, the Montreal Gazette, the Vancouver Sun and the Winnipeg Free Press. The analysis bases itself upon (1) the space that each newspaper devotes to the issue (2) the tone and content of the headlines and (3) the frequencies of appearance of certain selected words. Quantitative analysis shows that the gap between Quebec and English Canada is becoming wider. Quebec clearly overestimates English Canada's fragile degree of homogeneity, while English Canada, by increasingly identifying itself to the so-called "rest of Canada", paradoxically acts as if Quebec were the glue that holds the whole country together. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

The purpose of this thesis is to describe and analyze the nature and role of Liberal Party activists in the political life of British Columbia. As activists are at the central core of political parties, describing these activists is essential for understanding parties and the political process in general. The description and analysis are based on the results of a survey of the 1987 Liberal leadership Convention conducted by several members of the Political Science Department at the University of British Columbia, including the author. The resulting information was collated and analyzed then compared with the accepted wisdom concerning Liberal supporters in British Columbia. This thesis reveals the Liberal Party activists in British Columbia to be quite typical of activists found in other parties in Canada. As a result of the party's centre position in the polarized politics of this province, it does tend to attract activists disenchanted with this style of politics. This results in a heterogeneous collection of beliefs amongst activists. The success of the federal Liberal Party and the importance of many federal issues for Liberal Party sympathizers encourages provincial activists to adopt a federal oriented perspective on politics. This is at odds with the two major parties in British Columbia. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This essay is about ideological change within the Liberal Party in Sweden between its modern founding in 1934 to 2019. In this period there has also been a change in what liberalism is, and its ideological stances has shifted. How has this change affected the Liberal Party in Sweden, and what denomination of liberalism has been the dominant one in the party programs adopted during the period between 1934 and 2019?

Abstract During the 1960s both the federal and provincial governments continued to take on new and larger responsibilities. During this same time period citizens began to mobilize and challenge the state on a number of social issues including race, gender, labour, urban sprawl and the environment. Citizens believed that not only did they have the right to challenge the authority of government in planning public policy, but they also had a right to participate in the decision-making process as much as any bureaucrat, expert, or elected official. In planning airports in Pickering, Ste. Scholastique and Sea Island, the federal government was opposed by citizen groups in each of these three cases. Citizens believed their voices were not being heard and that government officials did not respect them. As a result, they disrupted the meticulously laid out plans of elected officials and policy planners by drawing on evidence and expert advice. The conflict over federal airport development is an example of the evolution of the consultation process with citizens, as citizens challenged the way public policy was planned. Governments now had to justify policies like expropriation for the public good since citizen groups would form over any intrusion into their private lives. The debates over airport planning highlights the role of citizens, bureaucrats, provincial and federal politicians as they all tried to navigate the complex shifting landscape of the Canadian state. By 1976 the Pickering Airport had been canceled, Mirabel was opened, and the Sea Island runway expansion would be delayed for 15 years. Although the citizen groups never had complete victories, citizen participation became more paramount to state planning after these events. Public policy planning in Canada had become far more inclusive than ever before. Whether the politicians, bureaucrats or citizens were aware of the consequences remain to be seen. / Thesis / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) / Abstract During the 1960s both the federal and provincial governments continued to take on new and larger responsibilities. During this same time period citizens began to mobilize and challenge the state on a number of social issues including race, gender, labour, urban sprawl and the environment. Citizens believed that not only did they have the right to challenge the authority of government in planning public policy, but they also had a right to participate in the decision-making process as much as any bureaucrat, expert, or elected official. In planning airports in Pickering, Ste. Scholastique and Sea Island, the federal government was opposed by citizen groups in each of these three cases. Citizens believed their voices were not being heard and that government officials did not respect them. As a result, they disrupted the meticulously laid out plans of elected officials and policy planners by drawing on evidence and expert advice. The conflict over federal airport development is an example of the evolution of the consultation process with citizens, as citizens challenged the way public policy was planned. Governments now had to justify policies like expropriation for the public good since citizen groups would form over any intrusion into their private lives. The debates over airport planning highlights the role of citizens, bureaucrats, provincial and federal politicians as they all tried to navigate the complex shifting landscape of the Canadian state. By 1976 the Pickering Airport had been canceled, Mirabel was opened, and the Sea Island runway expansion would be delayed for 15 years. Although the citizen groups never had complete victories, citizen participation became more paramount to state planning after these events. Public policy planning in Canada had become far more inclusive than ever before. Whether the politicians, bureaucrats or citizens were aware of the consequences remain to be seen.

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