Although the theoretical literature on the issue of European integration is extremely rich, the opposite phenomenon - disintegration - has so far escaped the attention of scholars. In the light of the greatest economic crisis since the Great Depression, further ignorance of this phenomenon would be a mistake. The aim of this thesis is to analyze influential theories of European integration in order to determine whether they are able to grasp and explain the hypothetical disintegration of the European Union. Such an analysis can also provide us with the corner-stone for the creation of a coherent theory of European disintegration. In its course, the thesis focuses on the phenomenon of nationalism as one of the most frequently mentioned hypothetical causes of European disintegration.

The main aim of this diploma thesis is to evaluate the attitude of Justice and Development party (AKP) towards the European Union (EU). Moravcsik's Theory of Liberal Intergovernmentalism (LI) is used in the thesis for the evaluation. The thesis is divided into four main parts. The first chapter introduces two main theoretical attitudes which deal with process of EU enlargement. These two main approaches are Rational and Constructivist theoretical schools. The basic arguments of these two attitudes are used in several different particular theories. The first theoretical chapter is concluded by empirical limitations of constructivist approach in a case of the Eastern Enlargement. The second chapter is devoted to methodology. It justifies selection of the LI theory as well as selects main dependent and independent variables. Two other chapters pursue empirical part of the thesis while they reflect the logic of the LI theory. The empirical chapter focuses on Turkish domestic politics, especially on the AKP's position within this sphere. Rational behavior of AKP representatives is evaluated in the very first part of this chapter. Two other subchapters are devoted to the interconnection among the AKP and Turkish business interest groups and Turkish public opinion as well as their stance towards the EU....

This article explores the links between the remarkable change in Russian-Turkish foreign relations in the early 2000s and the geostrategic importance of the Caucasus for global energy security. For much of the 1990s, domestic instability and power distribution distracted both countries’ focus on regional issues. Mutual suspicion dominated the bilateral relations, when Turkey, a longstanding NATO stronghold with close ties to the United States and Europe, set out to gain ground in Russia’s traditional sphere of influence. The resulting strategic division of the Caucasus marked a period of continuity in Russian-Turkish relations and resembled the bipolar bloc formation of Cold War times. By drawing on the distinct accounts of Neo-Realism and Liberal Intergovernmentalism, this analysis provides an understanding of the determining factors that changed Russian-Turkish relations from standstill to intensified cooperation despite that national interests in the region proved to be largely consistent. Russia seeks to maintain its traditional hegemonic position and Turkey strives to become a ‘soft power’ in the region. However, central to the new phase of Russian-Turkish relations is a mutual interest in the Caucasus as a stable transport corridor for Caspian energy resources to European and global markets, and both Ankara and Moscow stand to benefit greatly from reconciling geopolitical competition and cooperation in the region.

Uppsatsens syfte är att förstå hur den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet diskuterar differentierad integration. Metoden som används är en kvalitativ textanalys där teorier om europeisk integration från forskningsområdet internationella relationer används som analysverktyg. En slutsats som dras är att teorierna om neofunktionalism och liberal intergovernmentalism kan komplettera varandra för att ge en mer mångsidig förståelse av de något olika diskussionerna. Den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet vill i de tolkade dokumenten främst bibehålla en enhetlig union, men de är villiga att ge frihet till ambitiösa medlemsstater inom särskilda policyområden genom inkluderande opt in-lösningar av differentierad integration. Den Europeiska kommissionen och Europaparlamentet är motståndare till exkluderande opt out-lösningar av differentierad integration, de menar att exkluderande former av differentiering exempelvis skulle kunna leda till polarisering, fragmentering och ett upplevt skapande av ett första- och andraklassens EU-medlemskap. Gradvist tillträde är därmed historiskt sett som en sämre lösning till problemet kring kandidatländers integration, om gradvist tillträde skulle implementeras i integrationsprocessen för framtida kandidatländer skulle det därmed innebära ett trendbrott inom utvidgningspolicyn från den Europeiska unionen. / The thesis’ purpose is to understand how the European Commission and the European Parliament discusses differentiated integration. The method applied is a qualitative text analysis in which theories of European integration from the research field of international relations is used as an analytical tool. One conclusion recognises the fact that both the theory of neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism are complementary tools in understanding the discussions from a multitude of perspectives. The European Commission and the European Parliament expressed in the analysed documents that uniform integration within the Union is preferred, but they are still open to giving freedom to Member States in specific policy areas through inclusionary opt-in measures of differentiated integration. The European Commission and European Parliament are opposed to exclusionary opt-out measures of differentiation, as they mean it could lead to polarisation, fragmentation, and the perceived notion of first- and second-class Member States. Staged accession is therefore historically seen as a poor solution to the problem of integrating the candidate countries, if staged accession would be implemented into the integration process for future candidate countries, it would therefore mark a change in trend within the enlargement policy of the European Union.

The European common currency, the euro, is in crisis. Bad news about indebted governments and economic recession has continuously outperformed itself since 2009/2010 and kept the European Union and its member states in suspense. It is up to them to combat the crisis. This master thesis deals with the European sovereign debt crisis (“euro crisis”) and tries to allow a better understanding of how the crisis has been managed by governments at the European level. A special focus is put on decision-making in the crisis, posing the research question “How can the decision-making of the EU in the euro crisis be understood?”. To solve this research problem, three different approaches are applied: liberal intergovernmentalism, historical institutionalism and cognitive institutionalism. Each of them adds different aspects to the analysis, gives answers from its respective point of view and thereby widens the overall picture that evolves. The design of the thesis is a case study with the euro crisis as a special case of decision-making and crisis management. Official documents and statements, expert interviews, scholastic, expert, and journalistic analyses are employed as basic research material. It has been uncovered that, powerful states, especially Germany and France, have bargaining advantages during crisis decision-making. However, the decision-making is constrained by institutional aspects (rules, norms and values). Stress factors deriving from the crisis situation facilitate group dynamics that appeared at least partially during the ongoing crisis.

Diploma thesis "Free Movement of Services - The focus on Eastern Enlargement of the European Union" describes the development of the internal market of services of the European Union in view of the recent developments to complete liberalization of this market through the adoption of Directive 2006/123/EC of the European Parliament and of the Council of the 12th December 2006 on Services in the Internal Market. The Eastern Enlargement of ten new countries partly affected the whole development, because it caused the reestablishment of some protectionist measures in the form of the transitional periods. The aim of this thesis is to analyze the situation on the market of services in the European Union after the admission of at least eight countries from Central and Eastern Europe, and to understand each of these steps, which have lead some states to these protectionist measures. For a greater understanding of my diploma thesis, I tried to explain some important definitions and terms in the first part of the thesis, which can help the reader to easily understand the following sections of the essay. The other chapter presents, in brief, the historical genesis of the internal market of services in the European Union putting greater emphasis on the important milestones such as the founding treaties and...

The diploma thesis is devoted to explanation of Czech position towards European monetary integration. Even though Czechia is committed to adopt euro, the official term has not been set. The main purpose of a thesis is to answer why the Czech Republic postponed entrance into to eurozone indefinitely. The first chapter applies materialistic aspects of liberal intergovernmentalist theory into the Czech context by analysing economic interests on micro and macro level. Detailed cost-benefit analysis results in a slight favour of entrance. However, valid economic arguments on both sides and lack of interest group pressure allow government to adopt waiting strategy. Second analytical part incorporates constructivist theory, particularly defines Czech national identity and its effect on public opinion on eurozone. The thesis refuses exclusive character of the Czech identity and its ability to fully explain postponement of euro adoption. Thesis main contribution to international relation research is final chapter, which extends traditional integration theories by perspective of ideology. Ideological prism seems to present the most eloquent explanation of the Czech position, especially dominance of firstly the Eurosceptic ODS and then populist party ANO, as well as conservative stance of CNB. Despite the fact that...