This thesis analyzes the dialectical relations of economic liberalism and nationalism. Four arguments are made: (1) the international economic order is the product of the intercourse between liberalism and nationalism; (2) world trade expansion is conditioned by the rise of protectionism; (3) the formation of regional trading blocs sets up a bridge between regional liberalism and GATT (General Agreement on Trade and Tariff); (4) the success of development is determined by the results of the crystallization of the nation-state. The arguments of this paper develop from abstract to specific. In the first part, the philosophical foundations of liberalism and nationalism are given attention. Both forces are regarded as the foundations of modern international relations, the success of one side depending on the other. In this connection, Ruggie's (1982) "embedded liberalism" is extended to the whole range of modern history. The three theories are also reviewed with respect to their ideologic commitments. The rapprochement of nationalism and liberalism implies that their originally one-sided standpoints need modification. In the second part of this thesis, empirical analyses are introduced. The different state patterns, such as free capitalism and state socialism, are regarded as the results of crystallization (Mann, forthcoming). The rise of protectionism and regionalism reflect the erosion of the existing international relations. Successful nationalism could set up the foundation for the solid development of liberalism under the political framework of democracy, which could alter the existing international relations.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Masters of Development Studies in the Department of Anthropology and Development Studies at the University Of Zululand, 2018 / The aim of this study is to assess the role of NGOs in addressing poverty, and it was conducted in the Mpumalanga province, under Nkomazi Local Municipality. This study situates the development of NGOs within the theoretical frameworks of Keynesianism, the neo-liberal economic system, and from the theory of NGOs as a third sector. The Keynesian system holds that increased government expenditure results in a corresponding increase in economic output. The Keynesians welfare system supports the active participation of government in the economy. However, at the height of the Keynesian economy, NGOs did not receive due attention. The policies of the Keynesian economy did not support NGOs until the role of the multilateral organisations rose to prominence, and it was then that NGOs gained recognition. Problems with Keynesian economics led to the emergence of neo-liberalism, and neo-liberalism shaped policy in a way that favoured economic growth through the Market. It was within the framework of neo-liberalism that NGOs arose to prominence. This occurred under the auspices of multilateral organisations which encouraged the rise of NGOs. However, the poor performance of the State and the Market, with regards to poverty and development gave rise to the emergence of NGOs as a third sector. Literature relating to this study further shows that the operation of NGOs as a third sector depended on factors such as leadership, management, adaptability, financial capacity, corruption, and accountability. The present study adopts a mixed-method approach. This entails the integration of positivism and interpretivism into a philosophy of post-positivism. Therefore, this study uses both qualitative and quantitative data. Qualitative data was collected through structured interviews, while quantitative data was collected by questionnaires. The qualitative data were analysed by content analysis, the quantitative data were analysed by SPSS. The findings of this study show that NGOs mostly experience the following challenges: high staff turnover, mostly because of low wages; limited resources, and a lack of permanent structures from which to work. Even though NGOs experience these challenges, the results of this study show that the NGOs in the study area are able to adapt and work in an environment characterised by limited resources. Lastly, regardless of the challenges experienced by NGOs, this study shows that NGOs have a role in poverty reduction. In terms of recommendations, this study recommends that NGO sponsors should pay attention to the challenges relating to the buildings structures where NGOs’ operate. The study also recommends that NGO sponsors have to review the wages of NGO workers against the wages of retails workers. Moreover, it is further recommended that NGO staff needed to be capacitated by developing some skills, such as proposal writing. Lastly, this study recommends that NGOs develop new strategies for sustaining themselves, such as starting other income streams. All-in-all, the study concludes that NGOs in the Nkomazi Local Municipality play a meaningful role in addressing symptoms of poverty.

No description available.

The unemployed is not nonsexual. Rather, the sexuality of unemployed is socially constructed. The unemployed both young and female do not struggle equally with unemployed both young and male for open positions in the labour market. On the one hand, unemployed young woman seeks a job through the criteria determined in a way that it shall not constitute any challenge for the dominance of men and capital due to the roles provided to herself within society. On the other, by his/her hiring and firing practices, employer reproduces both these criteria and his/her own interests consequent of these. Depending on her social and economical characteristics, unemployed young woman enters a bargain, more precisely a struggle, through these criteria and interests of capital to make a place for herself in labour market. State with its new right applications and regulations, labour market with a neo-liberal approach ensuing from the process since 1980s, family by mechanisms provided by patriarchal system are a party to and identifiers of this bargain or struggle process. This study scrutinises the reasons of young women&rsquo / s unemployment as part of this unequal bargain and struggle. Study provides a feminist analysis set in which young women&rsquo / s unemployment or the employment bargain between young women&rsquo / s labour and capital is considered through state, labour market, family and, the articulation mechanisms amongst them are examined with regards to the unification between capitalism and patriarchy. This analysis set reframes reasons of young women&rsquo / s unemployment with segregation, crowding and employment creation challenge.

Orientador: Gilda Figueiredo Portugal Gouvea / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-09T12:09:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DiasJunior_AntonioCarlos_M.pdf: 1291330 bytes, checksum: ef3ff9b8fba6fc9e471df0bae3ecd746 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Resumo: Este estudo trata da produção intelectual do sociólogo germano-inglês Ralf Dahrendorf (1929 -). A partir de sua biografia e de sua bibliografia intenta mostrar, de maneira analítica e crítica, como foram construídas e teorizadas suas preocupações em relação aos diversos temas que permeiam sua obra, tais como a crítica aos modelos utópicos de teoria e de sociedade, o conflito social como motor das transformações históricas e a defesa da ordem liberal de sociedade / Abstract: This study treats from intellectual production of the anglo-german sociologist Ralf Dahrendorf (1929 -). From your biography and your bibliography intends to present, analytic and critically, how were composed and theorized your concerns with regard to the various topics that pervade your work, such as the critique to the utopian models of theory and society, the social conflict as motor of historical transformations and the liberal order defense of society / Mestrado / Teoria Sociologica e Pensamento Social / Mestre em Sociologia

Economic sociologists have long produced rich accounts of the economy’s embeddedness in social relations and the hybridity of contemporary governance architectures. However, all too often, they contented themselves with merely disenchanting a liberal ontology that divides the social world into neatly differentiated spheres, such as the state and the economy or the public and the private. In this dissertation, I argue that this is not enough. If we want to understand actually existing economic government, we also need to attend to the consequences of its persistent violation of the precepts of liberal order. This dissertation does so by accounting for the simultaneity of the Federal Reserve’s rise to the commanding heights of the US economy and the repeated, multi-pronged controversies over it. I contend that together, the Fed’s ascendance and the controversies surrounding it are symptomatic of the contradictions inherent to a liberal mode of governing ‘the economy’ which, on the one hand, professes its investment in a clear boundary between the state and the economy but which, on the other hand, operationally rests on their entanglement. Its embeddedness in financial markets exposes the Fed to attacks that it is either colluding with finance or that it unduly smuggles in political considerations into an otherwise apolitical economy. In response, to secure its legitimacy as a neutral arbiter of market struggles, the Fed needs to invest in autonomization strategies to demonstrate that it is acting neither in the interests of capital nor on behalf of partisan politicians but in the public interest. Its autonomization strategies in turn feed back onto the modes of embeddedness and governing techniques the Fed deploys, often resulting in new controversies. Combining insights from economic sociology and the sociology of expertise, the perspective developed in this dissertation thus foregrounds the persistent tension between embeddedness and autonomy and the sequences of reiterated problem-solving it gives rise to.Based on extensive archival research and interviews with actors, I reconstruct three such sequences in the Fed’s more-than-a-century long quest for embedded autonomy in three independent but related empirical essays. The first focuses on the decade immediately following the Federal Reserve System’s founding in 1913. It traces how the confluence of democratic turmoil in the wake of World War I, its hybrid organizational structure, and an alliance with institutionalist economists led Fed policymakers to repurpose open market operations from a banking technique into a policy tool that reconciled different interests. This made it possible to take on a task no other central bank had attempted before: mitigating depressions. This major innovation briefly turned the Fed into “the chief stabilizer” before it failed to fulfill this role during the Great Depression. The essay thus adds a critical, oft-forgotten episode to the genealogy of the Fed’s ascendancy and the rise of central banks to the foremost macroeconomic managers of our time. The second essay most explicitly develops the theoretical argument underlying this dissertation and applies it to a practice that has been all but ignored in the scholarship on central banking and financial government: bank supervision. Emphasizing its distinctiveness from regulation, I reconstruct how the Fed folded supervision into its project of governing finance as a vital, yet vulnerable system over the course of the second half of the 20th century and into the 21st. I especially focus on the Fed’s autonomization strategies in the wake of the 2008 Great Financial Crisis and its internal struggles which resulted in a more standardized, quantitative, and transparent supervisory process centered around the technique of stress testing. However, the Fed’s efforts to reassert its autonomy and authority have in the meantime become attacked themselves. The essay traces these controversies, and subsequent reforms, to the present day, further demonstrating the recursive dynamic of the Fed’s quest for embedded autonomy. The third essay finally zooms in on a single event during the Great Financial Crisis: the first major public stress test run by the Fed and the Treasury between February and May 2009. By reconstructing its socio-technical assembling in detail and comparing it to the failures of stress tests run by European agencies between 2009 and 2011, I show that the stress test’s success rested on a reconfiguration of the state’s embeddedness in financial circuits, allowing the Treasury’s material and symbolic capital to back the exercise and the Fed to function as a conduit that iteratively gauged and shaped its audiences’ expectations as to what a credible test would look like. This made it possible to successfully frame the test as an autonomous exercise based on expertise. Probing the structural, socio-technical, and performative conditions of the Fed’s claims to legitimacy, the essay thus resolves the ‘mystery’ (Paul Krugman) how a simulation technique could become a watershed event in the greatest financial crisis in a lifetime.

Esta tese tem como tema a Superintendência da Moeda e do Crédito (SUMOC) embrião do Banco Central do Brasil, durante os anos 50, definida como espaço de construção da hegemonia de uma fração das classes dominantes. Examinamos aqui como as diferentes frações da burguesia brasileira procuravam construir o consenso através de seus aparelhos privados de hegemonia - a FIDF (Federação das Indústrias do Distrito Federal), o ISEB (Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros), a ACSP (Associação Comercial de São Paulo) e a Revista Digesto Econômico. Tal consenso também passava pela difusão dos ideários desenvolvimentista e liberal, aqui confrontados e identificados quanto aos seus pontos de convergência e divergência. / The theme of this thesis is The Superintendência da Moeda e do Crédito (SUMOC) [Credit and Currency Authority] an embryo of The Central Bank of Brazil, created in the fifties, and defined as a space for the construction of the hegemony of a segment of the ruling classes. We study here how the different sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie tried to build a consensus using their private hegemony instruments The FIDF (Federation of Industries of the Federal District), the ISEB (Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies), the ACSP (Commercial Association of São Paulo), and the Economic Digest Magazine. Such consensus also included the diffusion of the liberal and developmental ideals, here confronted and identified in relation to their points of convergence and divergence.

Esta tese tem como tema a Superintendência da Moeda e do Crédito (SUMOC) embrião do Banco Central do Brasil, durante os anos 50, definida como espaço de construção da hegemonia de uma fração das classes dominantes. Examinamos aqui como as diferentes frações da burguesia brasileira procuravam construir o consenso através de seus aparelhos privados de hegemonia - a FIDF (Federação das Indústrias do Distrito Federal), o ISEB (Instituto Superior de Estudos Brasileiros), a ACSP (Associação Comercial de São Paulo) e a Revista Digesto Econômico. Tal consenso também passava pela difusão dos ideários desenvolvimentista e liberal, aqui confrontados e identificados quanto aos seus pontos de convergência e divergência. / The theme of this thesis is The Superintendência da Moeda e do Crédito (SUMOC) [Credit and Currency Authority] an embryo of The Central Bank of Brazil, created in the fifties, and defined as a space for the construction of the hegemony of a segment of the ruling classes. We study here how the different sectors of the Brazilian bourgeoisie tried to build a consensus using their private hegemony instruments The FIDF (Federation of Industries of the Federal District), the ISEB (Superior Institute of Brazilian Studies), the ACSP (Commercial Association of São Paulo), and the Economic Digest Magazine. Such consensus also included the diffusion of the liberal and developmental ideals, here confronted and identified in relation to their points of convergence and divergence.

À la fin du XVIIe siècle, en Europe, émerge un nouveau discours économique : le mercantilisme. S’ensuit une mainmise de plus en plus importante de l’administration royale sur l’industrie et l’économie du pays. Ce système économique domine largement la première moitié du XVIIIe siècle avant de progressivement s’essouffler face à la montée du libéralisme économique. Parmi les grandes industries de l’époque se trouve l’industrie lainière relativement dispersée sur l’ensemble du territoire. On observe tout de même une certaine concentration industrielle dans certaines généralités, principalement au nord de la France et dans le sud avec la région du Languedoc. Ces deux régions constituent les focales principales de notre étude. L’objectif est alors de comprendre comment le facteur géographique a influencé la formation et la réussite de groupes de pression dans l’industrie lainière dans un siècle d’évolution de la pensée économique. La première étude de cas porte sur le lobby lainier languedocien qui s’oppose aux privilèges économiques obtenus par les Marseillais auprès de l’administration royale. Ces derniers possèdent l’exclusivité du commerce avec la région du Levant, débouché principal de la production lainière du Languedoc. S’ensuivent alors de vives protestations et oppositions entre les deux protagonistes pour défendre les intérêts économiques de chacun. Enfin, notre seconde étude de cas nous mène à analyser les conséquences économiques de la signature du traité commercial franco-britannique en 1786. Premier traité de libre-échange entre la France et l’Angleterre, ce dernier n’est pas sans conséquence pour l’industrie lainière du nord de la France. Se forment, alors de véritables groupes de pression chez les industriels de la laine exigeant la modification du traité commercial. En réalité, cet accord matérialise une opposition entre deux groupes de pression, le premier issu d’un milieu rural vivant essentiellement de l’agriculture et le second issu d’un milieu urbain principalement industrialisé. / At the end of the 17th century, in Europe, a new economic discourse emerged: mercantilism. The result was a growing control by the royal administration over the countries’ industries and economy. This economic system dominated the first half of the 18th century before gradually weakening in the face of the rise of economic liberalism. Among the major industries at the time was the wool industry, which was relatively dispersed throughout the country. There was still a certain industrial concentration in certain généralité mainly in the north of France and in the south with the Languedoc region. These two regions constitute the main points of our study. The goal then is to understand how the geographic factor influences the formation and success of lobbies in the wool industry in a century of evolution of economic thinking. The first case study relates to the study of the wool industry in the Languedoc which opposes the economic privileges obtained by Marseille from the royal administration. The latter had exclusive rights to trade with the Levant region, the main outlet for Languedoc wool production. Huge protests and oppositions ensued between the two protagonists in order to defend the economic interests of each other. Finally, our second case study leads us to analyze the economic consequences of the signing of the Franco-British trade treaty in 1786. The latter had a huge consequence on the wool industry in the north of France. It the follow the emergence of a lobby in the wool industry demanding for a modification of the treaty. In reality this agreement materialized an opposition between two different kinds of pressure groups: the first one coming from a rural environment living primarily from agriculture; the second one coming from a mainly industrialized urban environment.