This dissertation explores the roles that the news media and public opinion play in shaping policymaking in American state and local governments, drawing on extensive archives of local newspaper transcripts, media market and circulation data, outputs of the policymaking process in states and municipalities, and measures of public opinion. In the first paper, I show that media coverage is associated with greater policy responsiveness in state legislatures. When legislators are more likely to be covered by local newspapers and television news broadcasts in their districts, they are better at reflecting constituent preferences in roll-call voting. Defying the seminal theories of electoral accountability, however, I find no evidence that the media affects what the public knows about state politics or how they behave in state legislative elections. Rather, I conjecture that local news affects representation via a more direct, elite-focused “watchdog” mechanism—by informing legislators about public opinion or increasing the perceived costs that politicians face when deciding to cast an unpopular vote. The second paper examines the implications of news organizations’ decisions as to which local governments to invest in covering routinely. Newspapers are more likely to cover politics in larger cities and those with more white and wealthy residents. In cities and towns that the press covers more frequently, I find that local governments spend more per-capita on providing public goods, particularly policing, parks, housing, and public transportation. This suggests that increasing financial pressures on already resource-constrained news outlets may have negative implications for local public goods provision that could exacerbate existing inequalities in American democracy. Finally, in the third paper, I offer a methodological contribution to the measurement of public opinion at subnational geographies. Although the development of Multilevel Regression and Poststratification (MRP) has allowed scholars to more accurately estimate subnational public opinion using national polls, its usefulness has been limited in certain contexts because it generally recovers less accurate estimates from cluster-sampled surveys. I propose two approaches to improve estimation from MRP with cluster-sampled polls. The first is pooling data from multiple surveys to produce a larger sample of clusters. The second is Clustered MRP (CMRP), which extends MRP by modeling opinion using the geographic information included in a survey’s cluster-sampling procedure.

M.A. / Het doel van deze studie is te komen tot een inventarisatie van de problemen -zowel op praktisch als theoretisch vlak- aan welke de nieuw gekozen plaatselijke overheden het hoofd moeten bieden, zoals deze zijn overgeleverd vanuit het verleden. Daarnaast wordt middels het empirische gedeelte bekeken, hoe de dagbladen in de provincie Gauteng - vaak het 'hart' van Zuid-Afrika genoemd - met deze problematiek en geschiedenis omgingen om de lezer annex kiezer adequaat te informeren. 3 Gekozen is voor een media-onderzoek over enkele maanden rond de twee laatste verkiezingen voor plaatselijke overheden: oktober 1988 en november 1995. Daarnaast wordt gekeken naar enkele van de vele begripsverwarringen binnen de Zuid-Afrikaanse politieke en media-context, zoals deze bijvoorbeeld onder meer bestaan rond zaken als 'democratie', 'macht', 'detribalisatie' en 'non-racialisme; allen termen die er in het discours omtrent regeren en geregeerd worden, nieuws produceren en nieuws ontvangen voortdurend met de haren bijgesleept worden maar voor de verschillende deelnemers aan het debat soms geheel uiteenlopende betekenissen hebben. De scriptie hoopt met deze onderwerpskeuze een bijdrage te leveren aan het voortdurende debat in Zuid-Afrika over het heden, verleden en wellicht ook toekomst van de gedrukte media, de politieke en sociaal-economische geschiedschrijving en de functionering en definiring van plaatselijk bestuur. Hoewel deze studie weliswaar nauwelijks alternatieve voorstellen voor de toekomstige behandeling van deze kwesties aandraagt, kan een kritisch en samenvattend overzicht hiervan zoals gepresenteerd in de hierna volgende hoofdstukken hemieuwde stof tot nadenken bieden, zowel gedragen als beperkt door de buitenlandse kijk van de auteur.

This dissertation analyzes how redistricting, minority representation, and perceived polarization— three topics regularly studied at the national level—function at the level of local government. The first two chapters focus on city council redistricting. In the first chapter, I used a new approach, a sequential Monte Carlo algorithm, to simulate city council district plans. By simulating tens of thousands of plans for each city, I was able to compare the plans that are actually implemented to a representative sample of all plausible plans. This analysis represents the first large-N geospatial analysis of city council redistricting. I found that the city council maps that are actually implemented feature more majority-minority districts than the median simulation. This implies that somewhere in the redistricting process, a conscious effort is made to foster minority representation. In the second chapter, I merged city council map data with the results of city council elections. I then analyzed the relationship between the composition of districts and who runs and who wins in city council elections. I found that district-level demographic makeup continues to be the dominant factor in the supply of minority candidates. I also found that, comparing two cities that are otherwise demographically and politically similar, cities that fall under the Voting Rights Act (VRA) pre-clearance had more minorities run for office and win election on average. In the third chapter, I conducted an original survey experiment to determine if respondents’ perceptions of partisan polarization differed in local contexts relative to the national political landscape. I did not find measurable differences in the perceived prevalence of support for different issues. However, I did find that respondents were slightly less willing to endorse generic language about partisans’ issue support when cued to think about ordinary voters in their local area. All together, these studies probe three different aspects of local electoral politics. In doing so, they help reconcile our understanding of electoral politics nationally with areas of local politics that still have many open questions.