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This study attempted to make releveant connections between the marginalization theory posited by Edward Herman and Noam Chomsky and Indiana news media coverage of the 1993 Gay, Lesbian and Bi-Sexual March on Washington. To date, Herman and Chomsky's work has looked at the marginalization of political or racial minorities. This study looked at how the elements of marginalization, the perpetuation of stereotypes and the complete annihilation of thought or consideration of the minority group, as seen regarding gay and lesbian people in America. Further, the theory guided the study's content analysis of Indiana news media coverage of the 1993 Gay, Lesbian and Bi-Sexual March on Washington. Taking the form of a case study, the contextual basis for the content analysis was provided by an interview with Gregory Adams, media co-chair for the march.Indiana coverage of the march in The Indianapolis Star was content analyzed sentence-by-sentence, while the same coverage was analyzed sentence-by-sentence from stories broadcast on WISH-TV, Channel 8 in Indianapolis. In addition, media images from the March broadcast by WISH-TV, Channel 8 in Indianapolis were also content analyzed video cut-by-cut.The study found gay and lesbian people were marginalized in the text of the Indiana news media coverage. The study also found that the marginalization of gay and lesbian people in the coverage was consistent among the three media types measured (newspaper text, television text and television images). / Department of Journalism

This thesis is a series of four articles examining the interface of public relations and journalism and how this affects the information the public receives as news. The central research question it aims to answer is: 'How can the public guard against manipulation of opinion?' The articles are accompanied by an exegesis which explains the research process and the role of important sources in the project. The research draws on relevant literature as well as interviews with people involved in public relations, journalism and academia.The first article Public Relations & Democratic Society looks at the various definitions of public relations and examines the debate over whether PR operates in the public interest. Article two, The Production of News, discusses the interface of public relations and journalism and also deals with the economic considerations affecting mass media outlets. PR Under the Spotlight in New Zealand, the third article, is a case study of a public relations campaign mounted by state-owned logging company Timberlands West Coast Ltd. The final article Navigating the Information Environment examines the current state of the interface between PR and journalism in New Zealand and sets out suggestions for how members of the public can avoid being manipulated.The research found that in order to prevent manipulation it is up to members of the public to actively seek truth and not uncritically accept information received through the media. Due to the work of the public relations industry and the media there are many ways in which information can be filtered and massaged and it is knowledge of these processes that puts the public in the best position to see reality.

South Africa‟s liberal democratic constitution allows for political competition for office, enhanced by the media‟s involvement or role, as both stakeholder and facilitator for debate between the public and political parties. The role of the media becomes a sensitive one as it entails perspectives on the political process and, as a consequence, certain perceptions of the political class, structures and electoral process will emerge. In previous elections the media has been cited for abdicating its objective stance in the narrative on political competition in view of candidate lists, party coalitions and allocation of value through cadre deployment, a term used for political appointments within party structures to positions of leadership in public office. Accordingly, it provokes intense debates in which the rationality of liberal-objective-observer to democratic process is criticized by thinking which argues that such rationality remains trapped by a devotion to „liberalist rituals‟, rituals detached from embedded meanings specific to South Africa‟s socio-political dynamics.

This study explores the relative importance of the media in influencing the electoral choices of a small group of Zambians, namely Evelyn Hone College students in Lusaka who participated in the December 2001 elections in Zambia. The study investigates the interplay of mediation between the lived cultural experiences of the sample of students and the impact of media messages. Students at Evelyn Hone College come from different ethnic groupings, social classes, religions and regions. They are exposed to both the state and the privately owned media, which represent a range of political viewpoints. The outcome of the December 2001 elections in Zambia gave the impression that people in urban areas in Zambia were less likely to vote on ethnic lines because they had easy access to different media, ranging from print to electronic, which provided them with diverse information about the political scene, and probably shaped their electoral choices. Conversely, their counterparts in the rural areas appeared to vote along ethnic lines, seemingly because of lack of exposure to the media. It was also assumed that most people in rural areas were not as modernized as their urban counterparts who were more exposed to enlightened sources of information such as professional groups and other elite social institutions which helped them to shape their political opinions than most rural people. The study attempts to establish to what extent the media impacted on the selected sample of urban students in the choice of their presidential candidates in the December 2001 elections in Zambia. The study further investigates to what extent other factors such as ethnic inclinations and other social predispositions influenced them in their choice of the candidates. The interviewees for this study were randomly drawn from a population of Evelyn Hone College students that voted in the December 2001 presidential elections in Zambia. The sample consisted of 30 randomly selected students who were purposely stratified in three focus groups of ten each. Each stratum represented the approximate ethnic equivalence of one of the presidential candidates who contested the December 2001 elections.

The Daily Dispatch, a newspaper based in the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa, has a long history of political reporting. Arguably, it reached the zenith of its prominence during the era of political activism of the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM), under the leadership of Bantu Steve Biko, who was martyred by the apartheid government in 1977. Biko was at the time based in King William’s Town, in the Eastern Cape. The newspaper, at the time edited by Donald Woods, held the view that Biko was preaching a doctrine of hatred against White people, and Woods took it upon himself to challenge Biko. This saw Woods gaining a better understanding of the BCM and Biko, and hiring into the Daily Dispatch’s newsroom a number of pro-Black Consciousness journalists. The newspaper then proceeded to cover not only the BCM, but also other pro-democracy movements until the demise of apartheid and the emergence of the African National Congress-led government under the presidency of Nelson Mandela. With the emergence of the ANC-led government, there was an expectation that newspapers and journalists that had opposed apartheid and supported the liberation struggle would continue supporting the freedom fighters-turned-career-politicians. This was especially so because some pro-ANC politicians-turned-businessmen acquired a stake in media ownership. It is against this background that this study investigated the political coverage by the Daily Dispatch of the Eastern Cape Provincial Government during the period 1 January – 30 December 2013. Taking into cognisance the changing hands of the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the Political Economy theory, which focuses on the link between ownership of the media and its role in society, was employed as a theoretical framework. The study utilised the qualitative research methodology, specifically interviews and content analysis, as research techniques (methods). The research found that despite the changes in the ownership of the Daily Dispatch, the newspaper provided independent political coverage of the ANC-led government in the Eastern Cape during the research period.

Orientador: Eliana Maria de Melo Souza / Banca: Isabel Ferin Cunha / Banca: Maria Aparecida Chaves Jardim / Resumo: Esta pesquisa busca compreender a relação entre mídia e política nos períodos pré-eleitoral e eleitoral das eleições presidenciais de 2010, para captar como se dá a representação memorial do passado na sociedade brasileira, acerca do regime militar (1964-1985), período que deixou marcas profundas nessa sociedade. Escolhemos analisar a cobertura feita pelo jornal Folha de São Paulo, pelo fato de ser um dos principais meios de comunicação a cobrir as eleições nacionais. Visamos analisar o conteúdo, em todos os fragmentos presentes no jornal, de 01/03/2010 a 06/11/2010. E como o jornal retrata os candidatos, construindo suas imagens a partir de seus respectivos passados opositores ao regime, refletindo como se dá a representação feita pela Folha acerca da memória do período da ditadura civil-militar brasileira ao cobrir as eleições de 2010 / Abstract: This research aims to understand the relationship between media and politics in both pre-election and election periods during the Brazilian presidential elections in 2010 in order to capture how the memorial representation of the past is in the Brazilian society when it comes to the military regime (1964-1985), a period that left deep scars in this society. We chose to analyze the coverage done by the newspaper Folha de São Paulo, for it is one of the major media to cover the national elections. We aim to analyze the content in every piece of news in the newspaper from 03/01/2010 to 11/06/2010 and how the newspaper portraits the candidates, building their images from their respective pasts as military regime opponents, reflecting how the representation by Folha about the memory of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship period is done during the coverage of the 2010 elections / Mestre

The press in Uganda has come a long way right from the colonial days when newspapers sprang up, mainly from missionary activity, through the eras of Obote 1 (1962 – 1971), Idi Amin (1971 – 1979), Obote 11 (1980 – 1985), Tito Okello (1985 – 1986) and the Museveni administration (1986 – to date). For most of this time, the press in Uganda enjoyed very little or no freedom to do its work. The year 1986 saw the ascendancy to power of the Yoweri Museveni as president after a five-year bush war with promised to restore peace, democracy, the rule of law, economic prosperity and civic rights and freedoms. Several achievements in these areas have been registered since 1986. Newspapers have sprouted and the broadcast industry liberalised to allow private ownership that has seen the proliferation of FM stations. However, the relations between the government and the press remain strained with journalists arrested and/or prosecuted mainly for offences relating to sedition, publication of false news and criminal libel. This study was intended to examine why journalists in Uganda continue to suffer arrests and incarceration when the country has been reported to be moving towards democratisation. The study was also aimed at assessing the impact of arresting journalists and arraigning them before the courts of law in the period under study and what this portends for freedom of the press and democratisation. It is recommended, among others, that journalists in Uganda need more unity of purpose to pursue meaningful media law reform that will de-criminalise publication wrongs. The civil remedies available to people who feel offended by the press are sufficient, if not excessive. The efforts already undertaken by the Eastern Africa Media Institute (EAMI) Uganda Chapter in this direction should be pursued to a logical conclusion.

The main focus of this thesis is to show the nature of the relationship between the South African Defence Force and the local media from 1975-83. The thesis will analyse issues specifically relating to the nature of the relationship and show how and why they are relevant to understanding the authoritarianism of the apartheid state. The nature of the relationship will be conceptualised by way of the analogy of a marriage. The thesis will show that for the SADF the relationship was “a marriage of convenience” whereas for the media it was a “marriage of necessity”. This relationship operated within the context of a highly militarised society that has been termed a “Garrison State”. The apartheid government introduced legislation governing reporting of defence matters and the media (namely the South African Defence Act 1957 including amendments made up until 1980) that imposed legal constraints within which defence correspondents had to operate. Moreover, the MID’s secret monitoring of the local media reveals the extent to which the military distrusted the media. A sampling of the coverage of defence matters in a selection of newspapers will reveal how their editorial staffs and reporters operated in a situation where the flow of information was controlled by the military. This will also show that certain defence correspondents cultivated close relations with SADF personnel to ensure that they were kept informed. The thesis will also show how the SADF reacted to the international media exposure of Operation Savannah and Operation Reindeer and how the SADF sought to limit the damage to its reputation by clamping down on the local media. The creation of two media commissions both headed by Justice MT Steyn, set out to investigate the manner in which local media reported on security issues in an environment in which the media and the public were confronted by the “Total Strategy” discourse of the apartheid government. The working relationship between the SADF and the media encapsulated in the thesis can be described as highly complex and the use of the “marriage” analogy assists in understanding this relationship.

Political organisations are now using a two-way path of communication thanks to the development of technological platforms that work in-sync with the internet to allow this to happen. Information can now flow across new networks to allow exchanges from the many to the many. This study sets out to explore the use of social media by political organisations as a means of political communication. A case study was conducted which focussed on online communication used by the Democratic Alliance in the 2014 General Elections in South Africa. The social media strategies adopted by the Democratic Alliance was examined. Reference is made to the 2008 Obama Campaign. The study revealed that the DA primarily made use of two-way asymmetrical communication despite the party posting a lot of consistent information and content; however in response to many questions and comments posted on the social media fora by online users, the DA only selectively responded to a handful of these.