The patriots depend on the uprising of the people and on popular enthusiasm in general, both for the physical and for the ideological support to achieve the revolution. In order to ensure the progress of the revolution, they will strive to control and direct popular agitation through written discourse. Revolutions de Paris, one of the most popular newspapers of the French Revolution, offers a good example of that: events are interpreted through narratives that distinguish 'good' popular uprisings from 'bad' ones, thus outlining a plan for the contribution of popular enthusiasm to the revolution.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 266-287). / Also available by subscription via World Wide Web / vii, 287 leaves, bound 29 cm

This thesis seeks to add to the existing knowledge about the effects of the political sophistication of citizens on selective exposure in terms of the preference for like-minded media over attitudinal incongruent media. The traditional selective exposure majorly account for this phenomenon from a motivational perspective. Differing from previous studies, this thesis employs a cognitive approach to examine the level of political sophistication and selective exposure based on dual-process framework which grows out of heuristic and cognitive bias literature. This thesis first explicates the concept of political sophistication by proposing three dimensions, namely factual political knowledge, conceptual political knowledge, and the conceptual complexity of political thinking to indicate the construct of political sophistication. The cognitive nature of the three dimensions as well as their relationships with the extent of selective exposure, which is perceived as a form of confirmation bias, are discussed based on a tripartite model of dual-process theory. Two mediators, namely attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, are proposed and examined to see whether either or both of them play a role to mediate the influence of each dimension of political sophistication on the extent of selective exposure. The underlying mechanisms for the hypothesized model are expounded. The results suggest that the effect of the three dimensions on the extent of selective exposure are fully mediated by the two mediators, respectively. Different dimensions of political sophistication have different effects on attitude extremity and perspective taking ability, and these effects play a key role in the selection of like-minded media outlets. Both the conceptual complexity of political thinking and conceptual knowledge are positively correlated with the perspective taking ability; the same is not true for factual political knowledge. Moreover, both factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge are positively correlated with attitude extremity, while no significant correlation is observed between conceptual complexity and attitude extremity in the study sample. The effects of factual political knowledge and conceptual political knowledge on the extent of selective exposure are mediated by attitude extremity. The mediation effect of perspective taking ability on the relationship between conceptual complexity of political thinking and selective exposure, which can lessen the extent of selective exposure, is observed to be significant but weak when attitude extremity is included in the model. The implications of the different roles played by the three dimensions in the cognitive process, as well as contributions, practical significance and limitations are discussed on the basis of the abovementioned findings in conclusion part.

The press is credited with playing a central role in the consolidation of democracy by informing citizens, engaging them in the process of public decision making and governance and stimulating wide and inclusive debate on public matters. In emergent democracies like Zambia, the extent of the media's role as a public sphere, not to mention its impact, is not known. The study set out to investigate the extent of the press' public sphere role, particularly how Zambian newspapers report Parliament and how such coverage informs public opinion. It found that though the press covers Parliament, the nature of coverage does not empower newspaper readers with the kind of context, background and interpretation they would otherwise need to engage in public discourses on matters that affect them from an informed perspective. In the main, the role of the press in informing citizens is not fully realised, not only because uninformative character of coverage, but partly because of low literacy levels and the limited reach of local newspapers. It was against this background that the study recommended ways in which the Zambian press could re-focus its approach to parliamentary news coverage to make it more informational and more inclined towards playing a public sphere role, at least to the newspaper-reading public. Making parliamentary coverage an integrated newsroom function was the main recommendation. It provided the basis for suggesting a practical editorial option for the coverage of the legislature that accommodates the integration of context, background and interpretation into parliamentary news.

The central question in this thesis is what are the interrelationships between the news media and those at the center of power and how do these shape the role the media play in democratic processes, particularly since neoliberal reforms in 1991. More specifically, this research attempts to illuminate journalistic practice and the factors that influence it, at the intersection of political and economic interests in what is often described as a crony capitalist polity (Kohli, 2007; Varshney, 2000). This has been done by examining three case studies that represented the interests of those at the center of power and the growing collusion between the state and private capital that has been a mark of the polity's neoliberal turn (Chandrashekhar, 2014). Each of these - the Nira Radia conversations that exposed the nexus between private capital and the state, the news media's coverage of the political elite, mainly the Gandhi family and the leader of the Hindu majoritarian political party Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Narendra Modi, and lastly, the media's coverage of India's richest business house Reliance Industries Limited (RIL) and its owner Mukesh Ambani - was marked by extensive self-censorship by the national mainstream news media. The theoretical architecture underpinning this project draws on three major approaches - political economy, field theory and new institutional theory provides a framework sufficiently sensitive to the range of pressures and influences journalism is subject to. This research draws on forty semi-structured, in-depth interviews with forty journalists and editors who were directly involved in the editorial processes of each of these news stories. The salient finding of this project is that the field of journalism has been subject to regular incursions from the field of power, particularly when political and economic interests are aligned, such that the field of journalism collapses in the field of power resulting in the need to reassess Bourdieu's claim that fields, however heteronomous, possess a degree of autonomy. This research finds that journalism is not merely embedded in the field of power, it plays a more pernicious role after economic liberalization. It becomes an active participant in negotiating and consolidating the dominant coalition of economic and political interests on which the polity rests. In other words, it is recruited by the field of power in institutionalizing crony capitalism. However, the self-censorship could not be sustained and unraveled, albeit briefly, in each of these cases. Contradictions between the macro forces induced by the consolidation of democracy, dissensus within the elite and constitutional limits circumscribing power are some of the variables that allow for interstices of journalistic autonomy. Thus, new institutionalism's insistence on retaining the political elided by both political economy and field theory, is valuable. Lastly, this research foregrounds the role played by journalistic agency in upholding the democratic mission of journalism.

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本文從技術的政治經濟學視角，觀察中國上世紀七十年代末八十年代的廣播電視大學運動，主要采用文獻分析的方法，試圖去回答，爲什麽電大教育會從單位辦學制、個人自學制、學校辦學制這三種模式存走向單一的學校辦學體制？在電大運動所歸屬的更大的高教去國家化運動當中，爲什麽社會自治主義、新自由主義與電大教育接合失敗，而國家主義却成功了？爲了回答這些或具體或抽象的問題，本文在前人研究的基礎上提出了「新發展主義」的概念作爲分析工具，指出「效率範式」是七十年代末八十年代新發展主義的主要再現形式，它有追求「生産效率優先」和「成本效率」的兩個方面。在「發展主義範式轉移」的語境下，電大運動是國家以「技術動員」的方式徵用社會經濟資本實現人力資本積累的表現。通過使用新發展主義的「集中性-去集中性」這一對框架性工具，本文指出了社會自治主義表現爲「兩種效率衝突」以及「教育低效」的「反效率」，以及新自由主義表現爲「配置低效」的「反效率」，而與之相比，國家主義反倒因爲教育專業主義和機會平等政治的追求，而與新發展主義的效率追求形成了一致性。新發展主義與社會自治主義、新自由主義和國家主義在這一時期的「接合」與「接合失敗」，是單位辦學制與個人自學制的衰落，以及「公立非公費」的「學校辦學制」日漸崛起的原因。此外，本文從「新發展主義」出發，還提出了「改革辯證法」的認識論，作爲從「改革之交」理解共産中國的一種嘗試。 / From the perspective of political economy of technology, this research aims to analyze the Chinese Broadcasting and Television University Movement(TVUM) , and to answer two sets of questions: 1) During the TVUM in late 1970s and 1980s, why did the "university-organized learning" model rise? Why did the "danwei-organized learning" model and the "self-learning" model decline simultaneously? 2) Why was the TVUM articulated with Statism successfully? Why did the articulation of the TVUM with Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism fail ? Documentary analysis is the main research method. In order to answer the questions above, this research constructs the efficiency-oriented model to illustrate and explain Chinese economic development in late 1979s and 1980s. In the context of the paradigm shift of developmentalism, the TVUM took it as the main purpose to promote the accumulation of human capital. In contrast with the "anti-efficiency" of Social Autonomism and Neo-liberalism, this research identifies that Statism unexpectedly presents its consistency with the effenciency-oriented model by combining the professionalism of education and equal-opportunity politics. The rise and the declination in the TVUM are attributed to the success and the failure of articulation with the efficenecy-oriented model respectively. Moreover, this research preliminarily constructs "the dialectics of the reform" as the perspective of interpreting Communist China for further research. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 劉阳. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 184-192). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Liu, Yang.

Besides, it finds that China's social structure indeed transformed as the unintended consequence of the agents' hegemonic struggles. Though both China's mass media and the burgeoning Internet society have not yet developed as a civil society, and the rational-critical discourse has not acquired consensus among the society, this study adopts an optimistic attitude towards them, yet, of course, the final answers indeed lie in the agents' own hands. / By examining Chinese nationalistic discourse from discursive relations and the structural perspective, this study tries to combine "structure-agency", stressing both the deeper structural reasons in shaping nationalistic discourse and power relations amongst the four agents, as well as the active role of agents in promoting the transformation of social structures through such hegemonic struggles. Besides, considering China's social structure as a dynamic transitional process, and examining in which respect the four agents' hegemonic struggles contribute to the transformation of social structure, this study also goes beyond the dominant paradigm that regards the "state-society" as a static structure, especially in the field of communication study. Moreover, putting mass media into a broader social context, this thesis hopes to make a contribution to the study of the "publicness" of China's mass media and the role of the mass media and the Internet society in promoting democratic discourse and the formation of a civil society. This study finds that in the past thirty years, Chinese nationalistic discourse experienced significant change from intellectual-led to the CCP-led, and then, to netizen-led. Such change reflected the fierce hegemonic. struggles among the four agents and the transitional power relations amongst them. Yet, fundamentally, it is the changing economic-political-cultural (media) structure in China's thirty years that shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the features of hegemonic nationalistic discourse. Especially, it finds that market economy, combined with the authoritarian political structure, tends to promote radical nationalistic discourse, rather than a democratic and rational discourse as the consensus among the society. Then, China's media commercialization, operating under the dual logic of the state and market, further radicalized such radical anti-western discourse. The Internet society that emerged in the 2000s sharply decentralized China's authoritarian political structure. Yet, under the marketized authoritarian structure, the rational-critical discourse still cannot acquire the hegemonic status. / Considering nationalism as an important political issue, China's Party-state has always paid considerable attention towards acquiring the leading status for its official patriotic discourse. Yet, the mass media, intellectuals and the ordinary citizens all strived to influence the nationalistic discourse, and as a result, the fierce power struggles unfolded amongst the four agents. Such power struggles were dynamic with the rise of the Chinese nationalistic sentiment during the past thirty years. Accordingly, Chinese nationalism becomes an ideal approach to study contemporary China's power relations and its transitions. / The main aim of this thesis is to examine power relations among the Party-state, intellectuals, mass media and the ordinary citizens, the four agents that are involved in the hegemonic struggle for the leading position of nationalistic discourse in the thirty years' "reform and opening" era, and explain the features and transitions of China's nationalistic discourse and the power relations behind it from the political-economic-cultural (media) structure perspectives. / Three nationalistic cases - TV-documentary Heshang ( River Elegy) in 1988, the anti-NATO bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the anti-Tibet Independence movement in 2008 - will be analyzed in detail in this thesis. They were selected because these are unique cases that could clearly illustrate the relationships of the four agents and the political context during that historical period. Then, the critical realism-based hegemony approach will be suggested as a new theoretical framework in this study. From this approach, on the one hand, Chinese nationalism will be considered as a hegemonic field in which all four agents struggled in for the hegemonic status of nationalistic discourse. Accordingly, we can examine the nationalistic discourses/projects promoted by the four agents, their discursive struggles and the dynamic process of how one's nationalistic discourse acquires hegemonic status in each case. In this process, the power relations among the four agents can also be explored clearly. On the other hand, since the critical realism perspective pays attention to the dialectical relations between structure and agency, this approach can help us explore how China's transitional structures in the past thirty years - from totalitarian state to authoritarian state, from planned commodity economy to socialist market economy, and from a media market to the Internet society - shaped the power relations amongst the four agents and the hegemonic nationalistic discourse, as well as how their hegemonic power struggles contribute to the transformation of China's social structure. Moreover, the critical discourse analysis can help us clarify such issues from three levels: text/discourse, power relationships/ discursive struggles, and social structure. / Zhao, Jing. / Adviser: Anthony Yin Him Fung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 73-04, Section: A, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2011. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 255-270). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [201-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

胡錦濤在二○一一年訪問美國是極其重要的中美外交事件，作為世界上兩個最大的經濟體，尤其在國際社會的共同命運和國家和國際經濟動盪的時刻，中美關係發揮顯著作用。 / 本論文特別側重說明美國政府和新聞媒介如何建構胡錦濤訪問美國，並塑造為一個慶祝國際政治媒介事件，說明政府在建構新聞語霸權，且取得美國新聞媒體的合作。它最終引發了媒體社會學的問題，媒體民主問題和人文與經濟價值之間的鬥爭。 / 這兩個國家之間日益增長的戰略和務實的關係，是突顯社會的政治背景，導致胡錦濤訪問美國作為一個媒介事件，形成一個變贏的和平競賽，以及慶祝和友好熱惰的表現。 / 胡錦濤訪問美國以及美國電視新聞作為本研究的主要焦點，說明媒體往往採取在媒介事件中互相尊重，雙羸 ，和平和樂觀的態度。美國的電視新聞媒體會在臨鍵的時刻偏向政府。 / Hu Jin Tao’s U.S. visit in 2011 is an extremely important diplomatic event in U.S.-China relations in the past thirty years or so, which calls for bilateral and international attention, as the relations between the world’s two biggest economies play a significant role in the common fate of the global community, at a time of national and international economic turmoil. / This thesis specifically focusing on explicating the journalistic construction of Hu’s U.S. visit as a historical and celebrative international political media event, a news discourse constructed out of hegemonic governmental influences and the cooperation of U.S. news media. It eventually raised media sociological questions upon the professionalism of U.S. news media in relations to U.S. foreign policy, media democracy and humanistic question over the struggle between economic pragmatism and individual freedom, especially in international integration. / The growing strategic and pragmatic relationship between the two nations is the foregrounding social-political context that leads to the journalistic framing of the visit as a media event, a win-win peaceful contest, and an celebrative and friendly welcoming performance. And that the American TV news media tend to pay more reverence towards the government during critical historic political moment, in this case the U.S. visit by Hu. The U.S news media, with TV news as the main focus in this study, tend to adopt the ritualistic media event script in framing the visit in an respectful, peaceful and optimistic manner. There is a discursive news storyline of Hu’s state visit as a win-win media event starts from the tension between the two states and then a progressive change in the middle of the coverage to focus on mutual benefits, converting from enemies to partners. And that the differences and conflicts can be worked out from common fate or can even put aside. The discursive journalistic tone of the coverage was from abrasive in the very beginning and progressively changes to a peaceful celebrative tone. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Ng, Oi Yan. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 132-136). / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Abstract / Chapter Ch.1 --- Introduction and Background of Study --- p.5-22 / Chapter Ch.2 --- Hu Jintao’s State Visit Arrival Ceremony as a Ritualistic Showcase --- p.23-46 / Chapter Ch.3 --- Obama and Hu’s Joint- Press Conference as a Contest --- p.47-75 / Chapter Ch.4 --- The Splendid State Dinner as a Celebrative End of the Win-Win Contest --- p.76-100 / Chapter Ch.5 --- Closure of Hu Jintao’s U.S. State Visit as an International Political Media Event --- p.101-117 / Chapter Ch.6 --- Conclusion --- p.118-130 / References

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