This study examined the effects of a stress inoculation training program on self-reported Type A behaviour pattern (TABP) and irrational beliefs in a sample of female medical, dental, and graduate students. Thirteen female medical students from the first, second, and third years of medical school, one female dental student from the first year of dental school, and 16 female graduate student volunteers were assigned to a 6-week stress inoculation group (SI; n = 14) or a 4-hour brief treatment group (BT; n = 16) in a repeated measures (pre, post, 11-week follow-up) quasi-experimental design. Participants completed the Rational Behavior Inventory, the Irrational Beliefs Test, the Type A Irrational Beliefs Test, and the Framingham Type A Scale (modified) in order to assess treatment effects. Price's (1982) cognitive social learning model proposes that TABP is elicited and maintained, in part, by specific beliefs and the fears and anxieties that they engender. Following this model, it was hypothesized that self-reported TABP, irrational beliefs, and Type A irrational beliefs would significantly decrease, and rational behaviour, or general rational thinking, would significantly increase, from pre- to post-test and these changes would be maintained at 11-week follow-up in the SI group, compared with the BT group. Repeated measures MANOVAs with pre-planned contrasts indicated that SI was effective in significantly reducing TABP from pre-to post-test. Both SI and BT were effective in significantly decreasing irrational beliefs and Type A irrational beliefs, as well as significantly increasing rational behaviour, or general rational thinking, from pre to post-test. These changes were maintained at follow-up and provide further insight into the relationship between TABP and irrational beliefs. This study provides partial support for Price's model and implicates the use of stress inoculation training in the treatment of TABP in female medical, dental, and graduate students. Implications of these findings and suggestions for future research are discussed. / Education, Faculty of / Educational and Counselling Psychology, and Special Education (ECPS), Department of / Graduate

Most research on medical professional socialization was conducted when medical students were almost uniformly white, upper- to upper-middle class, young men. Today 50% of medical students in Canada are women, and significant numbers are members of racialized minority groups, come from working class backgrounds, identify as gay or lesbian, and/ or are older. This research examined the impact of such social diversity on processes of corriing to identify as a medical professional, drawing on a survey of medical students in one third-year class, interviews with 25 third-year students, and interviews with 23 medical school faculty members. Almost all of the traits and processes noted by classic studies of medical professional socialization were found to still apply in the late 1990s. Students learn to negotiate complex hierarchies; develop greater self-confidence, but lowered idealism; learn a new language, but lose some of their communication skills with patients. They begin playing a role that becomes more real as responses from others confirm their new identity. Students going through this training process achieve varying degrees of integration between their medical-student selves and the other parts of themselves. There is a strong impetus toward homogeneity in medical education. It emphasizes the production of neutral, undifferentiated physicians - physicians whose gender, 'race/ sexual orientation, and social class background do not make any difference. While there is some recognition that patients bring social baggage with them into doctor-patient encounters, there is very little recognition that doctors do too, and that this may affect the encounter. Instances of blatant racism, sexism, and homophobia are not common. Nonetheless, students describe an overall climate in the medical school in which some women, students from racialized minority groups, gays and lesbians, and students from working class backgrounds seem to 'fif less well. The subtlety of these micro-level experiences of gendering, racialization and so on allows them to co-exist with a prevalent individual and institutional denial that social differences make any difference. I critique this denial as (unintentionally) oppressive, rooted in a liberal individualist notion of equality that demands assimilation or suppression of difference.

Most research on medical professional socialization was conducted when medical students were almost uniformly white, upper- to upper-middle class, young men. Today 50% of medical students in Canada are women, and significant numbers are members of racialized minority groups, come from working class backgrounds, identify as gay or lesbian, and/ or are older. This research examined the impact of such social diversity on processes of corriing to identify as a medical professional, drawing on a survey of medical students in one third-year class, interviews with 25 third-year students, and interviews with 23 medical school faculty members. Almost all of the traits and processes noted by classic studies of medical professional socialization were found to still apply in the late 1990s. Students learn to negotiate complex hierarchies; develop greater self-confidence, but lowered idealism; learn a new language, but lose some of their communication skills with patients. They begin playing a role that becomes more real as responses from others confirm their new identity. Students going through this training process achieve varying degrees of integration between their medical-student selves and the other parts of themselves. There is a strong impetus toward homogeneity in medical education. It emphasizes the production of neutral, undifferentiated physicians - physicians whose gender, 'race/ sexual orientation, and social class background do not make any difference. While there is some recognition that patients bring social baggage with them into doctor-patient encounters, there is very little recognition that doctors do too, and that this may affect the encounter. Instances of blatant racism, sexism, and homophobia are not common. Nonetheless, students describe an overall climate in the medical school in which some women, students from racialized minority groups, gays and lesbians, and students from working class backgrounds seem to 'fif less well. The subtlety of these micro-level experiences of gendering, racialization and so on allows them to co-exist with a prevalent individual and institutional denial that social differences make any difference. I critique this denial as (unintentionally) oppressive, rooted in a liberal individualist notion of equality that demands assimilation or suppression of difference. / Arts, Faculty of / Sociology, Department of / Graduate

A review was made of research concerning medical students, nursing students, physicians and nurses with special focus on the physician-nurse relationship. Research was carried out to investigate medical and nursing students' concepts of self, ideal self (as physician/nurse), typical work partner and ideal work partner.