Orientador: Jose Alves de Freitas Neto / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Cienciaa Medicas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-13T03:03:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Silva_RafaelPavanide_M.pdf: 769239 bytes, checksum: 224154f48b9eb63c28f91f4c4eb328a5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O presente texto tem por objetivo apresentar e problematizar as transformações ocorridas no discurso político de Lázaro Cárdenas sobre a Revolução Mexicana, sobretudo no período que vai de 1934 a 1940. Por este caminho, busquei questionar os resultados políticos de tais mutações, principalmente no que se refere às suas possibilidades enquanto legitimadoras do poder presidencial e do novo governo estabelecido, tendo em vista que as situações nas quais se produziram tais alterações foram os sucessivos conflitos enfrentados pelo governo: em 1935-36, a disputa com Plutarco E. Calles, em 1938, a nacionalização do petróleo e, a partir daí, as acaloradas contendas políticas rumo às eleições para renovação do governo federal em 1940, como a rebelião cedillista ainda em 1938. Estes conflitos permitem destacar a importância da reconstituição do passado revolucionário como prática essencial da política cardenista e do próprio discurso como imprescindível na constituição da prática política. Ao considerar que os usos da Revolução constituíram um traço marcante dos discursos do general mexicano, o presente estudo busca o entendimento das propostas políticas, das disputas ideológicas e das relações de poder no período por meio dos conflitos em torno da construção de um simbolismo revolucionário. Pretende-se, com isso, tanto ressaltar a especificidade da história mexicana quanto os limites das políticas de Cárdenas frente às abordagens historiográficas que tendem a homogeneizar os regimes políticos da Ibero-América dos anos 1930 e 1940. Assim, ao refletir sobre as transformações do discurso de Cárdenas, busco também um debate específico com parte da bibliografia do tema, pois, à medida que se destaca a constante necessidade de adaptação da retórica cardenista, negociando com importantes interlocutores, é possível matizar a historiografia revisionista que, em uma leitura teleológica, atribuiu o mesmo poder e autoritarismo do estado mexicano dos anos 1960 ao dos anos 1930. Deste modo, ao propor o cardenismo como um fenômeno a ser pensado dentro dos marcos estabelecidos pela Revolução Mexicana, apresenta-se uma crítica à leitura do populismo cardenista, que produziu a idéia de um presidente simplesmente manipulador com um discurso antitético em relação a uma suposta realidade política, assim como ignorou especificidades do período buscando comparações com diferentes lideranças latino-americanas / Abstract: This work intends to present and to render problematic about the changing of Lázaro Cárdenas thought about Mexican Revolution, especially on the period of 1934 until 1940. Thus, I wanted to argue the political results and its consequences, mainly whether these results legitimated his president power and the new government established from that time on, because the circumstances in which those changes appeared were througout the successives conflicts that his government had to face: in 1935-36, there was the dispute with Plutarco E. Calles; in 1938, there was the petroleoum nationalization and, furthermore, the angy political fights marching on coming election for government renovation in 1940, as well the cedillista rebelion in 1938. These conflicts permit us to put on relief how important is to rebuild the revolutionary past as an essencial exercise of cardenista politic and as a vital part of political frame. Considering that the Revolution way of using composed an important aspect of Cárdenas speech, this work aims to understand political propositions, ideological disputes and power relationships on this time, observing the revolutionary simbolism construction. Therefore, the aim is detach the specificity of Mexican history, as well the politic of Cárdenas, even so the historiography has been broaching it like something homogeneous to other political governments in Iberian America among 1930 and 1940 years. Thus, to think about Cárdenas behaviour, I wanted to argue particularly with this bibliography, because there is a need to adapt his rethoric and understand that the revisionist historiography must be contested, given they made a teleological interpretation when imputed to Cárdenas the same power and authoritarianism that happened in Mexico on 1960's and 1930's. Therefore, my propose was to think the cardenismo as a peculiarity extremely limited within the frameworks established by the Mexican Revolution, and to present a criticism of the interpretation that see Cárdenas like a handler simply, who had a anti-ethical speech for an alleged political reality, ignoring the particularities of time, looking for comparisons with various Latin American leaders / Mestrado / Politica, Memoria e Cidade / Mestre em História

This dissertation examines the cultural politics of conservation efforts in Mexico City, where in 2000, the city legislated a soil and water conservation plan in its rural areas. During 12-months of field work in the village of San Luis Tlaxialternalco 1 focused on how the conservation plan was to be established in the wetlands with chinampa agriculture, directly above one of the city's fresh water reservoirs. Political ecology research of conservation suggests that ecosystemic processes are intricately linked to economic and social processes on many scales. Post-structuralist analysis has complicated homogeneous and generalizing descriptions of social categories, politics of power, and the causality between socio-economic, political, cultural, and ecological factors. Research in political ecology emphasizes the diversity of actors and their subject positions and seeks to locate and understand the dynamics of power and agency within and outside formal institutions. I examined the negotiations of the conservation plan on three social scales and I looked at the intersecting axes of power and the knowledge of various actors, and how they inform conservation. On the scale of the state, a discursive analysis of the 'coloniality of power' of the conservation plan uncovers the city government's underlying assumptions about how the fanners' land use practices and social organization contribute to the conservation effort. I ask how do those assumptions define and condition chinampa farmers as 'Indian'? I conclude that in the conservation plan, colonially-based discourses constitute rural communities and agriculturalists in ways that subject them to the city's needs and interests, and exclude them from equal livelihood opportunities. In San Luis Tlaxialternalco I examined ideas of 'community' by documenting how the conservation plan affected local power relations. Analyzing the dynamics among chinampero farmers in their meetings, I exarnined the alliances in and the 'voice' of the village. I conclude that 'community' is a fluid and contested entity shaped by class, knowledge, and cultural values in unpredictable constellations. The tjaird scale of analysis concerns women's knowledge and voice, and examines ideas of silence as agency. In semi-structured interviews and participant observation in farmer women's everyday lives in San Luis I explored how they make decisions that affect the environment. The research shows that multiple constraints and opportunities, such as economic responsibilities, class, prestige, and patriarchy shape women's daily lives and direct their decisions to advance goals consistent with their values even when their decisions may undermine the long-term health of the environment they depend on. By looking at the micropolitics of conservation, my research provides cultural understanding of how at different scales decisions that affect ecology are made and how they are articulated through cultural idioms in the charged context of the conservation plan. The dissertation de-mystifies predominant representations of chinampas and chinamperos. It also complicates ideas of 'cornmirnity' and suggests that the analysis has to go beyond class and include values and knowledge. Further, I show that relevant ecological knowledge does not automatically lead to 'appropriate' action, and that silence can be a powerful tool that resists impositions and firrthers individual and community interests. Finally, the thesis suggests that political ecologists need to move away from equating power with action and activism within "progressive movements", and that conservation efforts need to have multiple goals and follow diverse strategies. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

This thesis explored a regional comparison of education in post-revolutionary Mexico. It involved a micro-look into the relationship between violence, education, religion, and politics in the states of Durango and Jalisco. Research methods included primary sources and microfilms from the National Archives State Department records related to education from the internal affairs of Mexico from 1930-1939 from collection file M1370. It also utilized G-2 United States Military Intelligence reports as well as records from the British National Archives dealing with church and state relations in Mexico from 1920-1939. Anti - clericalism in the 1920’s led to violent backlash in rural regions of Durango and Jalisco called the Cristero rebellion. A second phase of the Cristero rebellion began in the 1930s, which was aimed at ending state-led revolutionary secular education and preserving the folk Catholic education system. There existed a unique ritualized culture of violence for both states. Violence against state-led revolutionary secular educators was prevalent at the primary and secondary education levels in Durango and Jalisco. Priests served as both religious leaders and rebel activists. At the higher education level there existed a split of the University of Guadalajara but no violence against educators. There existed four competing factions involved in this intellectual battle: communists followed Marx, anarchistic autonomous communists, urban folk modern Catholics, and student groups who sought reunion of the original university. This thesis described how these two states and how they experienced their unique culture of violence during the 1930s. It suggested a new chronology of the Cristero rebellion. This comparison between two regions within the broader context of the country and its experiences during the 1930s allowed for analysis in regards to education, rebellion, religion, and politics.