Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The core question this study aims to address is whether a state-sponsored ethnic middle class in a dominant party political system premised on ethnic politics, will punish the ruling party by not according them their electoral vote. The latter core question stems from the conventional notion of a large middle class producing stronger democratic tendencies within a society. However, South Africa and Malaysia are dominant political party systems where politics is aligned along ethnic lines fundamentally because of the colonial and apartheid histories. Furthermore, the ethnic middle classes’ (Malays and Blacks) grew as a result of affirmative action policies implemented by the same political parties that dominated the political scene in the respective countries. An analytical framework of one-party dominance, ethnic politics and the composition of the state bureaucracy, is applied to analysing the Black and Malay middle classes’ behaviour in South Africa and Malaysia. This study looks at how the Black and Malay middle classes’ grew via state affirmative action policies implemented in public service employment, business and education; which are fundamental spheres for social upward mobility. This was done by looking at the implementation of the NEP in Malaysia between 1971 to 1990, and the implementation of BEE and employment equity in South Africa post-1994. South Africa and Malaysia’s colonial and apartheid histories created economic imbalances amongst majority and minority ethnicities primarily. Therefore, after independence and the inauguration of democracy the assumption of political power of ethnic majorities resulted in a need for the past’s economic imbalances to be addressed. Hence, affirmative action policies were implemented that would benefit the ethnic majority groupings (Malays and Blacks) where the electorate is highly polarised. Therefore, the outcome of this study suggests that because politics are aligned along ethnic lines under a climate where the ANC and the UMNO have political hegemony, the Malay and Black middle classes’ are unlikely to bite the hand that feeds it. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die kernvraag in hierdie studie wentel om die moontlikheid al dan nié dat ‘n staat-ondersteunde etniese middelklas in ‘n dominante-party politieke opset wat op etniese grondslag gebaseer is, die regerende party sal straf deur hul verkiesingstem te weerhou. Dit spreek die konvensionele siening aan dat ‘n groot middelklas demokratiese tendense in ‘n gemeenskap sal versterk. Nietemin, bestaan dominante-party stelsels in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië ooreenkomstig basies etniese riglyne as gevolg van hul onderskeie apartheid en koloniale geskiedenisse. Meer nog: die etniese middelklasse het hul bestaan te danke aan die regstellende aksie beleide wat ingestel is deur dieselfde politieke partye wat die politiek in die onderskeie lande domineer. Swart en Maleier middelklas-gedrag in Suid-Afrika en Maleisië is ge-analiseer volgens ‘n raamwerk van een-party oorheersing en die samestelling van die staatburokrasie. Hierdie studie fokus op die wyse waarop die Swart en Maleisiese middelklas deur middel van regstellende aksie in openbare dienste, besigheid en opvoeding – die fundamentele sektore vir die ontwikkeling van opwaartse mobiliteit in die samelewing – bevoordeel is. Dit is gedoen deur te kyk na die beleidstoepassing van die NEP in Maleisië tussen 1971 en 1990 en die toepassing van Swart Ekonomiese Bemagtiging (BEE) en gelyke werkgeleenthede in Suid-Afrika sedert 1994. Die grootste ekonomiese wanbalans tussen meerderheid- en minderheidsgroepe is hoofsaaklik die gevolg van Maleisië en Suid-Afrika se onderskeidelike geskiedenisse van koloniale en apartheidsregering. Onafhanklikheid en die instelling van ‘n demokratiese stelsel het dus aandag aan die ekonomiese wanbalans genoodsaak. Vanselfsprekend sou die regstellende aksie ter voordeel van die meerderheids- en etniese groepe (Maleiers en Swart mense), waar die elektoraat uiters gepolariseer is, werk. Die uitkoms van hierdie studie dui daarop dat weens die klimaat geskep deur die politieke hegemonie van die ANC en die UMNO, waar die politiek volgens etniese riglyne bedryf word, dit onwaarskylik is dat die Maleisiese en Swart middelklasse bevoordeling van die hand sal wys.

The Party-state's popular legitimacy is difficult to assess. This study aims to do so via a two- step methodology that aims to reveal the political belief sets through which the Chinese public evaluates the present regime and imagines possible alternatives. I focus upon the emerging middle class, as conceptualized by the Party-state, because the Party-state views this segment's support as a priority for its legitimation efforts. And I focus upon Beijing, because theory and evidence suggests that Beijing's emerging middle class should be especially persuaded by the Party-state's ideological work. Ideological diversity discovered in Beijing is a baseline of what one would hypothesize to exist elsewhere in China. First, I distil the main ideological traditions to which the emerging middle class is exposed - including Official Ideology, Liberalism, New Left and Political Confucianism - down into their essential convictions. Second, via Q Methodology, I present statements representing these distilled convictions to a sample of the emerging middle class and ask them, using these statements, to answer: 'What should the guiding values and principles of Chinese politics be?' From the patterns of their responses, I elucidate the variety of ways they evaluate the question - and hence, evaluate the legitimacy of the present regime. Four discourses emerge. Social Welfarism and Liberal Idealism form orthogonal boundaries between which most members of the emerging middle class situate themselves. Regression analysis suggests that the former is the default view, but a variety of factors can rotate people toward the latter. Authoritarian Reformism and Critical Realism are minority discourses that reveal more radical possibilities. My research suggests that the Party-state's efforts to contain public conceptions have had mixed success. The range of public political preferences is sufficiently constrained that a single Party can coherently claim to represent their fundamental shared interests. A corollary finding is that the 'middle class' is emerging into the role the Party-state envisages for it, as a stabilizing force. However, while its members may be 'allies of the state', only some are devotees, in the sense that they share substantially in the Official Ideological perspective. The bounded diversity of ideological discourses reveals the exquisite complexity of the Party-state's legitimation task, and many potential pitfalls and missteps. The present study reveals both the reach of the state (i.e., a bounded discourse weighted toward a Social Welfarist default) and its limits (i.e., popular drift toward problematic alternatives). More broadly, I find that popular legitimacy can be subjected to direct investigation. I show that while state-centric approaches to investigating China are compelling for their explanatory power, a balanced approach offers richer insight.

Chan Chun Kit. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 248-255). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.i / Acknowledgements --- p.v / Content --- p.vi / List of Charts and Tables --- p.xii / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction: The Change of Attitude --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Research Background and Research Question --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Theoretical Framework --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Research Significance --- p.4 / Chapter 1.4 --- Plan of the Thesis --- p.7 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Literature Review: Concerning Political Participation and Emigration --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1 --- Introduction --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2 --- Emigration --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Literature of Emigration --- p.10 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Emigration in Hong Kong --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Lesson from the Emigration Literature --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3 --- Political Participation --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Meaning of Political Participation --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- The Culturalist Theory --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Political Participation in Hong Kong --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- Limitations of Culturalist Theory --- p.25 / Chapter 2.4 --- An Alternative Approach: Hirschman's theory --- p.27 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- Introduction to Hirschman's Theory --- p.28 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- Relationship between Exit and Voice --- p.29 / Chapter 2.4.3 --- The Idea of Loyalty --- p.30 / Chapter 2.4.4 --- Amendment and Critiques of Hirschman's Original Theory --- p.32 / Chapter 2.4.5 --- Other Literatures of Loyalty and Loyalty in Hong Kong --- p.39 / Chapter 2.4.6 --- The Different Role of Loyalty between Hirschman´ةs Literature and Cultualist Theory --- p.41 / Chapter 2.5 --- Conclusion --- p.42 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- Historical Review: Acting between Exit and Voice --- p.44 / Chapter 3.1 --- Introduction --- p.44 / Chapter 3.2 --- Push Factors --- p.45 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Political Situation before 1997 --- p.45 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Economic Situation before 1997 --- p.47 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Political Situation after 1997 --- p.49 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Economic Situation after 1997 --- p.52 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- The Overall Perception of Hong Kong Future --- p.57 / Chapter 3.3 --- Pull Factors --- p.59 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- The Difficulty for Applying a Foreign Residency --- p.60 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Economic Situation before 1997 --- p.63 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Economic Situation after 1997 --- p.65 / Chapter 3.4 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration before 1997 --- p.73 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Pattern of Political Participation and Emigration after 1997 --- p.75 / Chapter 3.5 --- The Puzzle --- p.79 / Chapter 3.6 --- Conclusion --- p.81 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Theory and Method: Accessing Loyalty --- p.83 / Chapter 4.1 --- Introduction --- p.83 / Chapter 4.2 --- Research Aim --- p.83 / Chapter 4.3 --- Putting Emigration into the Spectrum of Political Participation --- p.84 / Chapter 4.4 --- Subject of Study --- p.86 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Middle Class Individuals as Quality Conscious Consumer --- p.86 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- The Definition of Middle Class --- p.88 / Chapter 4.5 --- Conceptualizing and Operationalizing Loyalty --- p.90 / Chapter 4.6 --- The Effects of Loyalty --- p.92 / Chapter 4.7 --- Research Approach --- p.95 / Chapter 4.7.1 --- Research Method - Qualitative Data Analysis --- p.95 / Chapter 4.7.2 --- Scope of Sample - Deviant Critical Case --- p.96 / Chapter 4.7.3 --- Sampling Method - Theoretical Sampling --- p.97 / Chapter 4.8 --- Conducting Interviews --- p.99 / Chapter 4.9 --- Data Analysis --- p.100 / Chapter 4.10 --- Conclusion --- p.101 / Chapter Chapter 5 --- Findings and Analysis I: Foundation of the Research: Perception after 97 --- p.103 / Chapter 5.1 --- Introduction --- p.103 / Chapter 5.2 --- Perception about the 1997-2003 Period --- p.103 / Chapter 5.3 --- Deteriorated Areas --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Government Performance --- p.105 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Political Atmosphere --- p.107 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Economic Atmosphere --- p.108 / Chapter 5.4 --- The Most Concerned Areas in Past Decades --- p.109 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Liberty --- p.109 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Rule of Law --- p.110 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- "The Implementation of ""One Country, Two System" --- p.113 / Chapter 5.5 --- The Perception of Democracy --- p.117 / Chapter 5.6 --- Most Recognized Issues --- p.120 / Chapter 5.6 --- Accessing the Research Question --- p.122 / Chapter 5.7 --- Conclusion --- p.122 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Findings and Analysis II: Foundation of the Research: Loyalty: Emergence and level of Loyalty --- p.124 / Chapter 6.1 --- Introduction --- p.124 / Chapter 6.2 --- Loyalty to Hong Kong --- p.124 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- Hong Kong Loyalist --- p.125 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Loyal Complainer of Hong Kong --- p.127 / Chapter 6.2.3 --- The Share Characteristic of “Hong Kong Loyalist´ح and “Loyal Complainer of Hong Kong´ح --- p.130 / Chapter 6.2.4 --- Hong Kong Disloyalist --- p.132 / Chapter 6.3 --- Common Belief ´ؤ The Idea of Liberty --- p.132 / Chapter 6.4 --- Loyalty to China --- p.133 / Chapter 6.4.1 --- China Loyalist --- p.134 / Chapter 6.4.2 --- Separated China Loyalist --- p.136 / Chapter 6.4.3 --- Loyal Complainer of China --- p.139 / Chapter 6.4.4 --- China Disloyalist --- p.141 / Chapter 6.5 --- Common Belief- Psychological Distance --- p.142 / Chapter 6.6 --- Sense of Influent Ability --- p.143 / Chapter 6.6.1 --- Contribution to Hong Kong --- p.144 / Chapter 6.6.2 --- Contribution to China --- p.146 / Chapter 6.6.3 --- Affecting Government's policy --- p.149 / Chapter 6.7 --- Expectation about Future --- p.151 / Chapter 6.8 --- Accessing the Research Question --- p.153 / Chapter 6.9 --- Conclusion --- p.154 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Findings and Analysis III: Relationship between Loyalty and the July-First Demonstration --- p.157 / Chapter 7.1 --- Introduction --- p.157 / Chapter 7.2 --- Reasons for Joining The Demonstration --- p.157 / Chapter 7.2.1 --- The Dominating Reason --- p.158 / Chapter 7.2.2 --- The Sense of Hongkongese --- p.161 / Chapter 7.2.3 --- Loyalty of Other Organization --- p.163 / Chapter 7.2.3 --- Misunderstanding --- p.164 / Chapter 7.3 --- The Effect of Loyalty in the July-first Demonstration --- p.165 / Chapter 7.4 --- Other Effects of the Demonstration --- p.170 / Chapter 7.5 --- The Post July-first Era and Further Political Participations --- p.172 / Chapter 7.5.1 --- Political Situation --- p.172 / Chapter 7.5.2 --- Economic and Social Situations --- p.175 / Chapter 7.5.3 --- Satisfaction --- p.175 / Chapter 7.5.4 --- Further Political Actions --- p.177 / Chapter 7.6 --- Factor(s) for Simulating Further Demonstrations --- p.179 / Chapter 7.7 --- Discussion --- p.180 / Chapter 7.7.1 --- Loyalty and Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.180 / Chapter 8.7.2 --- Liberty and Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.182 / Chapter 8.7.3 --- The level of Satisfaction and the Effectiveness of Demonstration in Hong Kong --- p.184 / Chapter 7.8 --- Conclusion --- p.185 / Chapter Chapter 8 --- Findings and Analysis IV: Relationship between Loyalty and Emigration --- p.187 / Chapter 8.1 --- Introduction --- p.187 / Chapter 8.2 --- Emigration --- p.187 / Chapter 8.2.1 --- Intention of Leaving Hong Kong --- p.188 / Chapter 8.2.2 --- Reasons for Staying --- p.189 / Chapter 8.3 --- Intention of Settlement in China --- p.192 / Chapter 8.3.1 --- Reason of Having the Intention --- p.193 / Chapter 8.3.2 --- Reasons for Staying --- p.193 / Chapter 8.4 --- Cause of Reluctant Emigration --- p.196 / Chapter 8.5 --- The Effect of Loyalty in Emigration --- p.197 / Chapter 8.6 --- Discussion --- p.201 / Chapter 8.6.1 --- Loyalty and Emigration in Hong Kong --- p.201 / Chapter 8.6.2 --- The Effect of the Loyalty of China --- p.203 / Chapter 8.6.3 --- The Credibility of the Threat of Exit --- p.204 / Chapter 8.7 --- Conclusion --- p.205 / Chapter Chapter 9 --- "Conclusion: Re-visiting Exit, Voice and Loyalty" --- p.207 / Chapter 9.1 --- Introduction --- p.207 / Chapter 9.2 --- Summary of the Findings from the Study --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.1 --- Perception about the Post-97 Situation of Hong Kong --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.2 --- The Sense of Loyalty --- p.208 / Chapter 9.2.3 --- Relationship between Loyalty and Demonstration --- p.209 / Chapter 9.2.4 --- Relationship between Loyalty and Emigration --- p.210 / Chapter 9.3 --- Discussion of Hirschman's Theory --- p.211 / Chapter 9.3.1 --- Signal Product V.S. Multi-products --- p.211 / Chapter 9.3.2 --- Effects of Loyalty --- p.213 / Chapter 9.3.3 --- Single Loyalty V.S. Multi-loyalties --- p.214 / Chapter 9.3.4 --- "The Tension between Loyalty, Exit and Voice" --- p.216 / Chapter 9.4 --- The Trend of Future --- p.217 / Chapter 9.5 --- Political Implications --- p.219 / Chapter 9.5.1 --- Soft Authoritarianism and Administrative Absorption of Politics --- p.219 / Chapter 9.5.2 --- Liberty cannot be Infringed --- p.221 / Chapter 9.5.3 --- Lack of Strong Demand for Immediate Democratization --- p.221 / Chapter 9.5.4 --- Articulation of Public Opinion --- p.223 / Chapter 9.6 --- Research Limitations --- p.223 / Chapter 9.7 --- Suggestions for Further Researches --- p.225 / Chapter 9.8 --- Conclusion --- p.227 / Appendix --- p.229 / Appendix I Immigrate to Canada: Immigrating to Canada as a Skilled Worker --- p.229 / Appendix II Immigrate to Australia: General skilled migration program --- p.235 / Appendix III Immigrate to United States of America: Apply for Immigrant Status Based on Employment --- p.239 / Appendix IV Interview Schedule (Abridged) --- p.244 / Appendix V Demographic Information of Interviewees --- p.247 / Bibliography --- p.248