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This thesis examines psychological war trauma nurses experienced during the First World War. Psychological war trauma, or shell shock, as it was commonly known during the war, has largely been identified as a male affliction. In this thesis, I demonstrate that women too, suffered trauma and we can better understand nurses' trauma by applying some of the same analytical techniques that scholars have previously used to examine male combatant trauma. Moreover, I analyze the ways in which contemporary actors, including medical professionals and the public, imagined female trauma, specifically the way nurses' psychological trauma could be understood and articulated. Additionally, I examine how those suffering from trauma or treating it sometimes confronted it and sometimes avoided it. Utilizing official British War Office documents, personal papers, medical journals, and newspapers, I have found that no matter the circumstances surrounding nurses' trauma, the language and diagnoses applied avoided language that minimized these women's characters or war service. These women's behaviors had to be framed in keeping with 'womanly' notions of sacrifice, selflessness, and duty to their country. With this thesis, I bring together the history of nursing and the history of psychological war trauma—making clear that nurses fit into the larger narrative of trauma.

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This thesis examines the service of African American soldiers during World War I in comparison with the service of French Colonial soldiers from Africa. This thesis argues that African Americans existed as colonial subjects of the American Empire and served as the colonial army of the United States just as soldiers from Africa did for France. The scope of this thesis covers ideologies of race in the United States and France, as well as racial policy and the implementation of racial hierarchy within the French and American armies during World War I. Through comparative analysis, this research reveals the relationship between white supremacy and imperialism in addition to the tensions between the statuses of citizen and subject for African Americans and Africans in the United States and the French Colonial Empire. By understanding white supremacy as a vehicle of imperialism, this thesis reveals that, though citizens in name, African American soldiers shared many of the same experiences as the Tirailleurs Sénégalais and colonial laborers from across France's African colonies. The United States and France shared a rhetoric and ideology of democracy, republicanism, and egalitarianism. Through Jim Crow laws and the indigénat code respectively, the United States and France drew clear distinctions between citizens and subjects within their societies, and each nation implemented a racial hierarchy within the ranks of its military. Building on the methods of internal colonialism and global imperialism, this thesis uses comparative analysis to place the United States within the broader context of western imperialism, similar to the other 'great powers' that subjugated non-white people around the globe.

<p> In the modern age, nationalism has profoundly impacted warfare. While nationalism has helped transform pre-modern societies into nation-states in part arguably to more efficiently wage warfare, it has also lead to a decline in the effectiveness of conventional military power. Warfare in late nineteenth century Cuba and the Philippines demonstrates many of the new features of &ldquo;nationalist warfare,&rdquo; showing increased violence is brought about not just by conventional technological developments, but also by &ldquo;social technology&rdquo; like nationalism. Nationalist ideology makes it nearly impossible for conventional military forces to occupy or control a nationalist society and suppress resistance to foreign rule. Attempts to suppress nationalist resistance can only be achieved by denying the rebellion external support and directly targeting the civilian population. The difficulty of suppressing nationalist resistance ensures increasingly protracted, bloody and destructive wars will be the norm and that within these conflicts targeting non-combatants and civilian infrastructure is virtually unavoidable.</p>

This thesis is concerned chiefly with the military role of sea power during the English Civil War. Parliament’s seizure of the Royal Navy in 1642 is examined in detail, with a discussion of the factors which led to the King’s loss of the fleet and the consequences thereafter. It is concluded that Charles I was outmanoeuvred politically, whilst Parliament’s choice to command the fleet, the Earl of Warwick, far surpassed him in popularity with the common seamen. The thesis then considers the advantages which control of the Navy provided for Parliament throughout the war, determining that the fleet’s protection of London, its ability to supply besieged outposts and its logistical support to Parliamentarian land forces was instrumental in preventing a Royalist victory. Furthermore, it is concluded that Warwick’s astute leadership went some way towards offsetting Parliament’s sporadic neglect of the Navy. The thesis demonstrates, however, that Parliament failed to establish the unchallenged command of the seas around the British Isles. This was because of the Royalists’ widespread privateering operations, aided in large part by the King’s capture of key ports in 1643, such as Dartmouth and Bristol. The Navy was able to block many, but not all, of the King’s arms shipments from abroad, thus permitting Charles to supply his armies in England. Close attention is paid to the Royalist shipping which landed reinforcements from Ireland in 1643-44. The King’s defeat in the First Civil War is then discussed, with the New Model Army, and greater resources, cited as the key factors behind Parliament’s victory, with recognition that the Navy provided essential support. Finally, the revolt of the fleet in 1648 is examined. It is concluded that the increasing radicalism of Parliament alienated a substantial section of the Navy, but that the Royalists failed to capitalise on their new-found maritime strength.

My study examines a category of data--the logistics of classical Greek warfare--that has not been used before for ancient Greek economic history. This examination provides much new evidence for Greek economies in the fifth and fourth centuries. Close readings of contemporary literary evidence--especially Thucydides--shows that classical Greek amphibious and naval expeditions military forces always acquired their food from markets provided to them by cities and traders. A systematic comparative analysis confirms this conclusion by demonstrating that the economic and politico-social structures of classical Greek states meant that the market was the only institutional mechanism available to them to feed their navies and amphibious forces--in contrast to other European and near Eastern pre-industrial states which could use mechanisms such as requisitioning and taxation-in-kind to acquire provisions to supply their military forces. I then produce estimates of the amounts of food purchased by classical Greek military forces in the markets provided to them by cities and traders by combining data on standard daily rations (from contemporary literary and epigraphical sources) and caloric requirements (established from an analysis of classical Greek skeletal material and WHO/FAO research data) with the relatively precise figures we have in contemporary historians for army and navy sizes and lengths of campaigns. These calculations provide many more figures for trade in grain and other foods in the classical period than we currently possess, and figures that are mostly much greater in scale. The analysis of the provisioning of Greek overseas warfare provides, then--for the first time--evidence for a regular and large-scale seaborne trade of grain in the classical Greek Mediterranean; it shows a world where the development of marketing structures and networks of merchants was sufficiently strong to permit tens of thousands of men to get their food through markets for years at a time. Demonstrating the existence of a regular and substantial overseas trade in grain in the fifth and fourth centuries is crucially important for a wider understanding of classical Greek economies because the existence of such a trade made possible increased urbanization and specialization of labor, and itself could only have been made possible by sizeable reductions in transactions costs for maritime commerce: it therefore provides evidence for the foundations of economic growth in classical Greece.

This dissertation investigates how the development and circulation of technologies of surveillance helped refashion institutional structures, systems of representation, and conceptions of nature and society in the Ottoman Empire and Syria throughout the transition from empire to nation-states. While militarization amplified the capabilities of modern states to discipline human perception through conscription and schooling, the notion of an all-seeing perspective - materialized in the aerial view - was incorporated in the apparatus of state power. The account moves between sites across the imperial territory and as the French mandate replaced Ottoman rule in Syria. These include ventures to propagate the map as an instrument of argumentation and discovery in the capital Istanbul, attempts by Jesuit geographers and earth scientists at inculcating new forms of sight upon the public in Beirut and the Beqaa Valley, the building of post-imperial scientific institutions in Damascus, and the optics of aerial warfare as devised by French strategists and subverted by Arab guerrilla commanders. Environmental representations such as maps and aerial photographs sustained competing social and institutional structures by inculcating upon their targeted audience concrete procedures for disciplining perception, which refashioned the subjectivity, social function, and epistemic virtues of the ideal commander and citizen. In the Middle East, as elsewhere, technologies of surveillance were integrated with existing political and philosophical currents such as Ottomanism, Arabism, and French colonialism, while simultaneously refashioning them from within. The coming of aerial warfare was an integral part of this ongoing process of cultural and technological transformation, which reconfigured political, epistemic, and ethical norms of war and peace.