A modernização é um tema recorrente na literatura contemporânea, sobretudo das ciências sociais, e suas expressões trazem elementos de rápida transformação que influenciam toda a sociedade e também suas organizações. O presente estudo está inserido no tema da modernização das organizações, tendo como seu objeto de pesquisa o recorte dos Parlamentos, organizações do Poder Legislativo com características próprias deste Poder. Deste modo, o estudo contribui para o desenvolvimento do campo da administração parlamentar, área de pesquisa pouco desenvolvida no Brasil e que, embora guarde intrínsecas relações, se distingue dos Estudos Legislativos ou da Gestão de Organizações Públicas. Entre as estruturas criadas para a modernização dos Parlamentos, estão as Escolas do Legislativo, espaços de capacitação e treinamento que emergiram a partir da década de 90 para qualificar o corpo administrativo que se atribuiu às Casas em função dos preceitos da Constituição de 1988. Neste sentido, a presente investigação procura responder ao seguinte problema de pesquisa: Como foram criadas e se desenvolveram as Escolas do Legislativo no Parlamento brasileiro? Tendo, como objetivo, explicar o surgimento das Escolas do Legislativo no contexto histórico da modernização do Parlamento. Para isso, desenvolve-se uma pesquisa exploratória de estudo de casos múltiplos com as três primeiras organizações legislativas que criaram suas Escolas: a Assembleia Legislativa de Minas Gerais, a Câmara dos Deputados e o Senado Federal. A relevância destas Escolas, para além de seu pioneirismo, está no fato de constituírem modelos para a referência de outras Casas legislativas que passaram a implementar também suas próprias Escolas. O estudo de casos é adotado em seu tipo histórico-organizacional, utilizando-se de documentos, discursos parlamentares, bibliografia e entrevistas narrativas para a coleta de dados dos casos estudados. Os dados emergidos do campo são organizados e analisados em duas perspectivas. Na perspectiva vertical, cada caso é analisado isoladamente para a construção do contexto histórico de criação e desenvolvimento das Escolas. Na perspectiva horizontal, quatro questões essenciais emergem da pesquisa e são discutidas nos três casos e com base na revisão teórica realizada. O resultado da pesquisa é um quadro analítico que apresenta os elementos de criação de cada uma das Escolas e suas posições em relação às questões transversais discutidas. Por fim, realiza-se uma síntese do trabalho desenvolvido, uma discussão das principais limitações da pesquisa e uma indicação de agenda de pesquisa com outras questões que devem ser exploradas no campo da administração parlamentar / Modernization is a frequent issue in the contemporary literature, especially regarding the social sciences, and whenever it takes place, quick change elements influence the entire society and its organizations. The present study deals with modernization processes inside organizations, and its main research object lies within the Parliaments: legislative organizations with specific characteristics of this law power. Thus, the paper contributes to the development of the researches on parliamentary administration, an area still poorly developed in Brazil that, in spite of its similarities, is different from the Legislative Studies or Public Organizations Management. Among the many structures created which seek the modernization of parliaments, there are the Legislative Schools, places established in the \'90s meant to provide corporative training to the administrative body, role attributed to the Houses due to the principles of the 1988 Constitution. Thus, this study aims at answering the following research problem: How were the Legislative Schools in the Brazilian Parliament created and developed? Its objective is to explain the establishment of Legislative Schools in the historical context of the Parliament modernization. In order to do so, an exploratory multiple-case study was developed, which investigated the three first legislative organizations that created their own Schools: the Legislative Assembly of Minas Gerais, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. These schools present such relevance, not only because of being pioneers, but also due to their becoming reference to other Houses which are now implementing their Schools. The case study is carried out under a historical and organizational perspective, and data from the studied cases was collected by gathering documents, parliamentary speeches, literature research and narrative interviews, which were then analyzed vertically and horizontally. In the vertical perspective, each case is reviewed individually to rebuild the historical context of the establishment and development of the Schools. In the horizontal perspective, four key questions emerge from the research and are discussed in the three cases and based on the literature review performed. The research results in an analytic framework that presents elements of the establishment of each School and their positions in relation to the other discussed issues. Finally, find a summary of the study, a discussion of its major limitations and a suggested research agenda with other issues that should be exploited within the field of parliamentary administration

The present study is an effort to examine and understand the relationship between modernization and political instability. The following chapters focus on the effects of modernization on political instability. Data on twenty-four African nations are analyzed to test empirically the validity of the hypothesis. Chapter IV concludes the thesis by offering a general summary and conclusions.

Esta dissertação aborda o tema do futebol, inserido na discussão teórica da ciência política, especialmente a que trata dos grupos de interesse, com destaque para a teoria das coalizões de defesa (Sabatier e Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Especificamente, é estudado o processo de modernização do futebol brasileiro, marcado pela transformação do esporte em uma atividade voltada para a visão do mundo dos negócios, envolvendo quantidades relevantes de dinheiro, ações de marketing, patrocínio de empresas e participação de investidores e empresários no meio futebolístico. Esse processo é abordado em torno de duas questões principais, a saber, a relação de trabalho entre clubes e atletas e a administração dos clubes. Uma torna o futebol uma atividade cada vez mais profissional, enquanto a outra traz a mentalidade empresarial para o esporte. São estudados momentos-chave deste processo, a partir da redemocratização da política brasileira, partindo da Lei Zico, passando pela Lei Pelé, Lei Maguito Vilela, CPIs do Futebol, Estatuto do Desporto, Timemania e Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal do Esporte. Conclui-se que ocorreram mudanças significativas no futebol brasileiro, com o processo de modernização, mas que a atuação dos grupos de interesse foi fundamental para que algumas mudanças não ocorressem, que outras fossem adiadas e também para que algumas fossem efetivadas. / This dissertation deals with the football theme, inserted into the theoretical discussion of interest groups in political science, especially the theory of advocacy coalitions (Sabatier and Jenkins-Smith, 1999). Specifically, the process of \"modernization\" of Brazilian football, marked by the transformation of sport in a focused activity for the business world view is studied, involving significant amounts of money, marketing, corporate sponsorship and participation of investors and entrepreneurs among football. This process is covered in around two main issues, namely the working relationship between clubs and athletes and the management of clubs. The first makes football an increasingly professional activity, while the second brings a business mindset for the sport. Key moments of this process are studied, from the democratization of Brazilian politics, starting from the Zico Law, through the Pelé Law, Maguito Vilela Law, Footballs CPIs, Sports Statute, Timemania and Fiscal Responsibility Law of Sports. It was concluded that there were significant changes in Brazilian football, with the modernization process, but that the role of interest groups was essential for some changes did not occur, to others be delayed and also for some to take effect.

The purpose of this study is to explore the past, present and future of the development of Western piano culture in Northeast Asia and the musical, social, political and economic facets thereof. Western piano was first introduced to general public as part of the Westernization process during and after World War II in Asia. During the second half of the twentieth century, Asian piano culture has experienced a period of rapid development and mass popularization along with dramatic cultural, economic and technical developments. Quantifiable evidences for this are given in the number of competition winners and graduates of prestigious institutions with Asian heritage. Piano sales and manufacture of Asian companies gives further testament to the popularity of piano in Asia. Finally, the paper acknowledges the achievements identified and suggests ways in which Asia could become a fully independent culture central for piano in the future, with a close look at factors such as the diversity and quality of education programs and syllabi, social norms formed as a result of rapid modernization, and the constituent ratio of Asian decision-makers in eminent music organization.

This dissertation examines U.S. views of Mexico from the end of the U.S.-Mexico War in 1848, to the end of the first phase of the Mexican Revolution in May 1911. During this period numerous Americans saw Mexico as a laboratory to test their ability to transform a country seemingly in need of guidance. Americans, however, struggled to define the role of the United States: whether it was solely to be a model for other nations to follow, or whether Americans should be actively involved in this process. In the years after the U.S. Civil War, a diverse group of Americans, especially missionaries, investors, and working-class activists, saw Mexico as a nation in need of change and sought to affect its transformation through the means of informal imperialism. Yet they vigorously disagreed whether this transformation should occur in religious, political, economic or social terms. Despite these differences, they all believed that Mexico could be reshaped in the image of the United States. Their views thus provided a powerful counter-narrative to persistent U.S. images of the Mexican people as irredeemable because of allegedly inherent inferiorities based on race, religion or culture. The dissertation also examines the role of Mexican actors in attracting, resisting and altering U.S. informal imperialism. These Mexican actors included government officials who petitioned for U.S. assistance during the French Intervention (1862-67) and the Porfiriato (1876-1911); dissident Catholic priests who requested aid for the fledgling Protestant movement in Mexico; and Mexican liberal exiles from the repressive Díaz regime, who sought U.S. support in bringing a democratic government to Mexico. More generally this dissertation challenges scholarly assessments of the United States as an isolationist nation during the mid-to-late nineteenth century, before the embrace of formal empire after the War of 1898. Though different groups of Americans would come to divergent conclusions about the foreign policy of the United States, a close analysis of U.S. efforts to reshape Mexico reveals an outward-looking and internationalist public that took seriously its self-image as a nation destined to transform the world.

Approaching $400 billion for its establishment and production, the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter (JSF) is the Department of Defense's (DoD) largest acquisition program in U.S. history. Unfortunately, significant delays have immobilized the program's production rate, and little research has examined whether and how such delays directly affect national security. The purpose of this study was to determine whether and how production delays in the JSF program directly affect national security. The theoretical foundations for this qualitative case study were Condorcet's modernization theory and Giddens's globalization framework. Data were collected from interviews with 15 senior DoD civilian, military, and JSF officials and were coded and categorized to identify themes and patterns related to the source of production delays and reasons behind their persistence. Data were triangulated using archival records and government research documents. Key findings revealed concurrency issues, Helmet Mounted Display malfunctions, engine concerns, scheduling mishaps, national security vulnerabilities, and astronomical funding outside of the budget. Such factors were responsible for fighter program delays, which affect national security. The results are deemed significant, as the fighter has been a critical 'piece to the puzzle' in the national security strategy as well as other national defense guidance issues. These findings have implications for social change in that they may inform senior DoD officials of policy-related concerns due to continued delays and their impacts on national security interests. Additionally, the study identifies concerns related to sustaining international partnerships that have significant interests embedded into this program.

Modernization theorists posit that rapid economic development can produce increased rates of homicide (Durkheim 1951 [1897]; 1984 [1902]; 1997 [1893]; Shelley 1981). As nations develop, individuals migrate to regions that have greater opportunities for employment. Here, they may experience conflicting norms, a lack of adequate housing and education, and possible underemployment. While modernization theory has been tested extensively, it has not accounted for the way in which nations currently develop. Many nations are recipients of inward foreign direct investment. This form of investment, by multi-national corporations, has produced economic growth, inequality, and urbanization in many countries (Bengoa and Sanchez-Robles 2003; Blomström et al. 1994; Campos and Kinoshita 2002; Sit and Yang 1997). These correlates, economic growth, inequality, and urbanization, have all been linked to homicide (Cole and Gramajo 2009; Nivette 2011). In an examination of up to 62 nations, inward foreign direct investment is found to promote urbanization and inequality. In separate analyses, urbanization is found to increase homicide - suggesting that foreign investment produces homicide by increasing urbanization. Several scholars have suggested that a strong civil society can mitigate societal ills (Currie 1997; Messner and Rosenfeld 1997). Analyses show that a strong civil society, represented by the presence of international-non-governmental organizations, is associated with decreased rates of homicide. The results suggest that nations should be cautious when receiving foreign investment. City infrastructure should be monitored to keep up with the needs of a rapidly growing population. International organizations that deal with issues of rapid growth, including those that provide access to housing and education and those that work at reducing inequality and poverty, should be sought after.

This study arose from the desire to research the effectiveness of state building policies in Afghanistan. In order to address this topic, I review state building literature and find that state building literature focuses largely on the processes of democratization instead of institution building. In the second part of this dissertation I conduct a comparative case study of Afghanistan during the Soviet and Taliban eras to study the relationship between Pashtun `para-state' institutions (PSI's) and levels of political instability. I hypothesize that Pashtun PSI's compete with central state institutions for popular support thus increasing political instability and reducing state institutional effectiveness. I then conduct process-tracing to study hypothesized causal mechanisms that link Pashtun PSI's and political instability. I find that during the Soviet era, areas with Pashtun PSI's exhibited higher levels of political instability than areas without the presence of Pashtun PSI's. However, during the Taliban era, the results were negatively correlated and southern Afghanistan exhibited reduced levels of political instability. The causal mechanisms of `violence against the government' and `support to the local populace' were present in both cases although the introduction of the variables is different in both cases. This research is foundational in clarifying state building literature. Additionally, this study of Afghanistan moves academic literature towards establishing appropriate measures of effectiveness specific to institution building, which is imperative in assessing the success of future and past state building policies.

This study deals with the relationship between religious fundamentalism and the internet. It aims to be a critique of the conception that religion and modernization are inherently incompatible; that modernization leads to the death of religion, as advocated the secularization theorists. It argues that the notion is an inaccurate characterization and understanding of the interplay between the forces of religion and modernization; rather, both co-exist and mutually reinforce one another. It also argues that it is inappropriate to label religious fundamentalism as an anti-modern movement; it might be true that it is ideologically ultra-orthodox, but it is technologically a modern movement. The value of this study lies in its findings that the most conservative religious groups like the Salafi community not only persist in the face of modernization, but also transform realities of modernity like the internet into a new form of modern product that serves well their religious needs and interests. To support this, I analysed Salafism, a transnational Islamic fundamentalist movement, and its use of the internet within the Indonesian context to uncover how they employ the technology. I examined the ways the Salafis use the internet in accordance with their ideological purposes in the frameworks of ‘cultured technology’, localization process of global force of information technology, appropriation of global media, and spiritualizing technology. Textual analysis was mainly employed as a method to understand the Salafi web contents and uncover the ways the Salafi use the internet.

<p>There is a widespread belief among many researchers that Islam and secularization is incompatible. Obviously, in the Eastern world and in Muslim countries in particular, the problematic relationship between religion and democracy is still shows itself intensively. The current lack of democracy in most Muslim countries derives in part from this mindset contending that Islam is incompatible with secularization. So the application of concept “secularization” to studies of the Muslim countries Middle East has often been more problematic than enlightening.</p><p>The present study continues the discussion of the compatibility of secularization and Islamic religion bringing to the fore the case of modern Turkish politics. By considering the possible ways of how secularization can emerge and survive in a predominantly Muslim society, the study demonstrates the state-religion interaction in Turkey.</p><p>The thesis examines how the collapse of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of Turkish nationalism decreased religious authority which led to the emergence of secularization. It shows that western institutions played a crucial role in survival of secularization. Later it discusses the reasons of revival of religion and survival of secularization in Turkish politics.</p><p>The main purpose is to present Turkey as a case in support of the argument concerning the coexistence of Islam and secularization.</p>