L’objectif principal de notre travail de recherche est l’étude de l’évolution de la traduction des œuvres romanesques (de français en persan) au 20ème siècle à travers l’analyse des traductions de Mohammad Ghâzi (1913-1997), célèbre traducteur iranien. Dans le cadre conceptuel de notre thèse, nous avons mis l’accent sur trois types de théories contemporaines à savoir : linguistique, philosophique et traductologique. Dans le polysystème de la littérature persane entre les années 1940 et 2000, nous avons contextualisé l’activité de la traduction en général et celle de la littérature française en particulier. Nous avons essayé de définir la place de la traduction de la littérature française dans le polysystème iranien au cours de la période envisagée. Nous avons consacré la dernière partie de notre thèse à l’étude des traductions de Mohammad Ghâzi. Pour déterminer les procédés de traduction utilisés par Ghâzi, nous avons fait une analyse comparée de la traduction persane du Petit Prince d’Antoine de Saint-Exupéry par Ghâzi, Shâmlou et Najafi. Cette analyse vise à aborder comment se traduisent divers effets littéraires d’une langue à l’autre et à expliquer l’impact de la langue ou du discours ainsi que la part de la subjectivité du traducteur sur la méthodologie appliquée par Ghâzi dans le domaine de la traduction. / The principal objective of our research work is the study of the evolution of the translation of novels (from French into Persian) in the 20th century through the analysis of the translations of Mohammad Ghâzi (1913-1997), one of the famous Iranian translators. In the conceptual framework of our thesis we have focused on three types of contemporary theories, namely: linguistic, philosophical and traductological. In the Iranian polysystem between the years 1940-2000, we have contextualized the activity of translation in general and that of French literature in particular. We have attempted to define the role of the translation of French literature in the Iranien polysystem during the period under consideration. We have dedicated the last part of our thesis to the study of the translations of Mohammad Ghâzi. To clarify the translation process used by Ghâzi, we have performed a comparative analysis of the Persian translation of Antoine de saint-Exupery’s The Little Prince by Ghâzi, Shâmlou and Najafi. This analysis aims to address how to translate various literary effects from one language to another and to explain the impact of the language or discourse as well as the role of the translator’s subjectivity on the methodology applied by Ghâzi in the field of translation.

This dissertation opens a multimedia archive of contemporary Iranian films, documentaries, newspaper articles, and political philosophies in order to rethink the complicated relationship between cinema and the Reformist Movement in Iran. The existing scholarship has largely reduced interactions between these institutions to modes of mutual support, noting Mohammad Khatami’s backing of the film industry during his tenure as Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance (1982-1992) and his liberal cultural policies as president (1997-2005). However, the research presented in this dissertation indicates that Iranian cinema and the Reformist Movement crucially informed one another, and the dynamics of their exchange functioned on an ideological level. More than just benefiting from the Reformist Movement, certain films and filmmakers helped to shape and articulate its emerging political discourse. At the same time, the dialogue between Khatami’s Reformist Movement and Iranian cinema have generated a unique set of aesthetic qualities that includes a revival of mystic love, the use of Tehran as a metaphoric site of social and structural reformation, and reconfigurations of perceptions of time. I examine films that were released during Khatami’s tenure as Minister of Islamic Culture and Guidance, his presidential campaign and presidency in order to interrogate the relationship between film and reform and to theorize the visual language that has emerged to enunciate this relationship. I also consider a film and a music video released two years after Khatami’s presidency ended. They did not benefit directly from his cultural liberalism but nevertheless participate in central reformist debates. Their experimentation with form suggests that the reformist aesthetic possesses a momentum that permits it to develop and transform without explicit contact with the political movement that inspired it. I argue, therefore, that the Reformist Movement marked a change on the political landscape at the same time that it signaled a new trend in the country’s cinematic history. I connect innovations in film to current trends in new media and youth culture and propose a new reformist model for the study of cultural productivity in contemporary Iran, one that moves past the reductive category of “post-Revolution.” / text

Ce memoire tentera de decrire ce que fut l'ideologie defendue par le Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi d'Iran (1919-1980). Malgre que le Shah n'ait pas lui-meme ecrit ses positions politiques, il adherara a ce systeme de pensee qui pourrait avoir toutes les caracteristiques d'une ideologie. Ce systeme, qui a domine la vie politique iranienne pendant pres de trente ans, est fonde sur trois principes, soit la tradition monarchique iranienne, la constitution de 1906 et la revolution blanche. Ces trois fondements devaient permettre le developpement accelere de l'Iran et qui se traduit par une modernisation de la societe ainsi que par une separation stricte entre l'eglise et de l'etat. L'autorite de l'Islam et du clerge shiite sera alors progressivement evince des affaires publiques durant le regne de Mohammad Reza Shah, laissant la place a une doctrine valorisant a la fois le modernisme, l'occidentalisation et les traditions royales issues de l'Iran ancien. Toutefois ce sera ces memes fondements--constitution, monarchie, revolution blanche--pourtant incompatibles entre eux, qui feront en sorte que ce systeme n'a pu, devenir une ideologie au sens propre du terme.

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Yale, 1994. / Le vol. 1 contient l'introd., et la trad. en anglais du texte arabe publ. dans le vol. 2. Bibliogr. (vol. 1) p. 217-226. Index.

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Through the translation and analysis of a major speech, the political thought and rhetorical devices of Mohammed Mossedeq, former Prime Minister of Iran (1951-1953), are examined. Just as cultural and philosophical differences account for many problems in such a translation, so have they led to Mossedeq's being largely misunderstood in the West. The study therefore presents a more positive view of Mossedeq, emphasizing his nationalism, which has inspired countless movements toward independence among the Third World nations. Chapters deal with the background of the study, problems of translation (including the semantic and lexical nonequivalences between languages, as well as cultural differences), and significant details from Mossedeq's biography, in addition to the principal translation, rhetorical analysis, and summary chapters. Mossedeq was deeply aware of the politica1 problems of Iran, the most important of which were: (1) the interference of foreign powers, especially England and the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company; (2) the total corruption of the Iranian government; and (3) the lack of political awareness and education of the Iranian people. A major solution to the first problem was Iran's nationalization of her oil resources. The main speech reflects this event and its impact on Iran, as well as on the rest of the wor1d, in the larger context of the need for the Iranians to unite and become conscious of their power and resources. The speech outlines Mossedeq's political motives, his plans for alleviating Iran's government and people. It also illustrates Mossedeq's charismatic appeal: he was a skilled speaker, one who stirred his audiences, whether they were members of the Iranian parliament (Majlis), or illiterate peasants. His language was simple yet highly communicative-- and no one before him had ever received such public support in Iran.

This study aims to take a closer look at how women in the Jewish tradition are portrayed in two Judith Plaskows books, Standing again at Sinai and The coming of Lilith: Essays on feminism, Judaism, and sexual ethics, 1972-2003. The way that Plaskow presents women in her books will be compared to Geraldine Brooks's book Nine parts of desire and Mohammad Fazlhashemis book Vems islam? and their portrayal of women in the Islamic culture. The study uses one of the interdisciplinary theories called intersectional theory to critically examine the chosen literature. The issues the study will try to answer are based upon the theory. The issues are: 1) how are women perceived in the Jewish and Muslim communities according to the different authors? 2) What aspects do the authors believe has affected the outcome of women's position within religious communities? 3) Do the authors mention men and if they have affected women's discourse? And if mentioned do they believe men's influence was/is positive or negative?

This thesis presents a thorough investigation of the 2500th Anniversary Celebrations of the Founding of the Persian Empire by Cyrus the Great, held in Persepolis by the Shah of Iran in 1971. Since the time of the Celebrations they have been routinely demonised by historians and critics of the Pahlavi regime, who present them as evidence of the delusion and megalomania of an Oriental despot. The purpose of this thesis is to provide a more sober, balanced account of the events of 1971 and the preparations leading up to them, in order to understand more fully the aims and motivations of the Shah and his entourage in organising such a nationalist spectacle. It will argue that Iran benefitted greatly from the international exposure the event generated, politically, economically and culturally. Most accounts of the Celebrations have focussed primarily on the sumptuous Pahlavi hospitality, enjoyed by the world’s elite over the course of a few days in purpose-built accommodation at Persepolis, the former ceremonial capital of the Achaemenid dynasty. In contrast, the premise of this thesis is that the ceremonies at Persepolis and Pasargadae were just a small, albeit highly visible, part of the programme for the Celebrations. From the time the Celebrations were conceived in the late 1950s, exhibitions were organised, publications commissioned and buildings constructed. All were intended to contribute to the development and modernisation of Iran, and all were conceived with the Anniversary Celebrations in mind. Internationally too, the Celebrations aroused great interest. Hundreds of books and articles were published in conjunction with the event, and museum exhibitions, academic conferences and other special cultural events were organised around the world, giving an important boost to the field of Persian studies worldwide. Meanwhile, the Shah’s Iran was presented as a significant regional and global power. This thesis will contribute, therefore, to our understanding of the Celebrations, and more broadly the material effects of the politicisation of culture in the late Pahlavi period.

In the history of modern Iran, religion and nationalism often converge to bring about social and political change. The people of the bazaar and the religious leaders, who consistently supported each other on many important occasions, joined forces with the intelligensia to bring about change. This alliance was dissolved after the accomplishment of the original goal. This configuration came into existence during the Constitutional Revolution of 1906 and at the time of the movement to nationalize the oil industry. During 1951-1953, under the umbrella of the National Front, the intelligensia, led by Dr. Muhammad Musaddiq, along with the merchants and religious leaders under Ayatullah Kashani, formed an alliance to implement nationalist economic policies. In this instance, too, the alliance did not last long, especially as it threatened the interests of the major powers.

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