Este trabalho pretende pesquisar e analisar as relações de poder que envolviam a monarquia e as Cortes (1590-1598) na Espanha, com enfoque em Castela, durante o reinado de Felipe II (1556-1598). Devido à existência de ampla documentação disponível sobre as Cortes, o recorte definido neste projeto será as últimas Cortes desse período. É nesse momento que os conflitos entre o rei e os procuradores se tornaram mais intensos e os discursos ganharam contornos mais radicais devido, principalmente, aos problemas financeiros enfrentados pela Coroa. Esta pesquisa se propõe a desenvolver um estudo sobre a esfera do poder na Espanha moderna a partir da análise da configuração política da monarquia e suas relações com outros poderes, no caso específico do projeto, as Cortes, que envolve também a disputa pelo discurso político, mobilizado em torno dos interesses almejados pelas duas instituições. Assim, esta proposta pretende investigar as representações políticas elaboradas pelas Cortes, e perceber como se inseriam na cultura e no pensamento político na Espanha quinhentista / This work aims to research and analyse the power relations between the monarchy and the Cortes (1590-1598), with emphasis in Castile, during the reign of Philip II (1556-1598). Due to the large documentation available regarded to the Cortes, the temporal mark defined in this investigation will be that one of the last Castilian Cortes of that time. That´s the moment when the conflicts between the king and the proctors became more radical, mainly because the financial problems faced by the Crown. This research has the proposal to develop a study concerned to the power sphere in the Early Modern Spain from the analysis of the political configuration of the monarchy and its relations with another powers, on the specifical case of this project, the Cortes, that also involves the contest for the political speech, mobilized according to the interests of both institutions. This proposal intends to investigate the political representations developed by the Cortes and to understand how it was inserted in the culture and political thinking of Spain in the XVI century

Este trabalho pretende pesquisar e analisar as relações de poder que envolviam a monarquia e as Cortes (1590-1598) na Espanha, com enfoque em Castela, durante o reinado de Felipe II (1556-1598). Devido à existência de ampla documentação disponível sobre as Cortes, o recorte definido neste projeto será as últimas Cortes desse período. É nesse momento que os conflitos entre o rei e os procuradores se tornaram mais intensos e os discursos ganharam contornos mais radicais devido, principalmente, aos problemas financeiros enfrentados pela Coroa. Esta pesquisa se propõe a desenvolver um estudo sobre a esfera do poder na Espanha moderna a partir da análise da configuração política da monarquia e suas relações com outros poderes, no caso específico do projeto, as Cortes, que envolve também a disputa pelo discurso político, mobilizado em torno dos interesses almejados pelas duas instituições. Assim, esta proposta pretende investigar as representações políticas elaboradas pelas Cortes, e perceber como se inseriam na cultura e no pensamento político na Espanha quinhentista / This work aims to research and analyse the power relations between the monarchy and the Cortes (1590-1598), with emphasis in Castile, during the reign of Philip II (1556-1598). Due to the large documentation available regarded to the Cortes, the temporal mark defined in this investigation will be that one of the last Castilian Cortes of that time. That´s the moment when the conflicts between the king and the proctors became more radical, mainly because the financial problems faced by the Crown. This research has the proposal to develop a study concerned to the power sphere in the Early Modern Spain from the analysis of the political configuration of the monarchy and its relations with another powers, on the specifical case of this project, the Cortes, that also involves the contest for the political speech, mobilized according to the interests of both institutions. This proposal intends to investigate the political representations developed by the Cortes and to understand how it was inserted in the culture and political thinking of Spain in the XVI century

Throughout 2013 the governments of the Austrian Republic and United States of America celebrated the 175th anniversary of diplomatic relations between them. This date marks the accreditation of ambassadors in 1838 but obscures the sixty-year prehistory, begun when the first American envoy reached Vienna in 1778. The Habsburg Monarchy became the last European Great Power to recognise the United States, but the reasons behind this also have eighteenth-century origins. The United States and the successor states to the Habsburg Monarchy, therefore, share a much longer, more complex and deeply entangled history stretching back to the American Revolution. This dissertation focuses on how and why attempts to formalise relations failed between these two states in the revolutionary and post-revolutionary period, something which, until now, has received little historical attention. This dissertation uncovers a neglected but illuminating story of US-Habsburg relations between 1763- 1789. In doing so it demonstrates the evolving nature of early modern diplomacy and the wider international struggle of the American founding. In both regards, this dissertation argues the economic motivation of economic agents and the role of personalities were the new and instrumental factors. What follows is a new history of the broader, much deeper impact of the American Revolution and the transatlantic entanglements of the Habsburg Monarchy. A history of a relationship which looks beyond 'desk diplomacy' and towards a more holistic interpretation of the attempted relations between unlikely states. To this end, this dissertation relies upon a broad base of archival material from personal papers to quantative data from both sides of the Atlantic.

Revenge on the English stage has long been associated with Elizabethan and Renaissance revenge tragedies, and has been all but ignored in Restoration theater history. While the shortage of scholarly work on revenge in Restoration drama might seem to indicate that revenge is not a vital part of Restoration drama, I argue that revenge on stage in the Restoration is connected with important late seventeenth-century anxieties about monarchy and political subjecthood in the period. This dissertation examines how Restoration tragic drama staged during Charles II’s reign (1660-1685) depicts revenge as a representation of an unrestrained passion that contributes to the ‘seditious roaring of a troubled nation’ of which Thomas Hobbes writes in Leviathan. This dissertation suggests that we need to assess Restoration tragic drama’s employment of acts of vengeance in order to better understand how tragic drama of the period narrates crises of kinship, kingship, and political subjecthood. In chapters addressing blood revenge, rape, female passion, and personal ambition, I examine revenge in a number of Restoration tragic dramas written for the stage between 1660 and 1685. This project shows that characters’ claims to redress wrongs committed against the civil notion of justice collapse into private, individual desires that are pathological and destructive of the state. This project on revenge has the potential to shape the way we think about revenge on stage by calling attention to revenge as a sign of self-interest at the end of the seventeenth century, an age in which a shift in thinking about monarchy and personhood was taking place. Just as Hobbes warns against the “excessive desire of Revenge,” this dissertation shows how playwrights stage revenge as a warning about the potentially destructive consequences of revenge: revenge puts not only private bodies in danger but also the public well being of the state.

Few predictions can have been less accurate than the claim by the anonymous author of London's Glory (1661) that the Fifth Monarchists would prove a 'never to be forgotten sect'. After brief literary glory as the subjects of Abraham Cowley's play Cutter of Coleman Street (1663), they languished in obscurity until revivified by Sir Walter Scott in 1822 in hia novel Peveril of the Peak. Since they have no modern descendants, the Fifth Monarchists have not received the close study by denominational historians which the Quakers, for example, have enjoyed. The Fifth Monarchists' call for violent revolution has led baptist and Congregationaiist historians to miniinize or ignore the close associations which these denominations had with the movement. The Fifth Monarchists showed few of the egalitarian tendencies of the Levellers and Diggers which have attracted so many modern Historians. In the present century the Fifth Monarchists have been the subjects of only two brief monographs. In 1911 Miss Louise Brown published her work, The Political Activities of the Baptists and Fifth Monarchy Men in England during the Interregnum, a careful and accurate survey of this aspect which, however, left untouched the broader issues of the nature of the movement, and the causes of its rise and decline. P.G.Rogers attempted a broader examination in the Fifth Monarchy Men (1966), but the brevity of this work and the inadequate research on which it was based made the results far from satisfactory. Four main aspects of the Fifth Monarchist movement have been studied, and these are indicated in the title of the thesis. These are, firstly, the circumstances which explain the origins and spread of millenarian ideas in general during this period, and of Fifth Monarchist doctrines in particular, and, secondly, the social composition of the movement. Thirdly, an attempt has been made to establish what political, social, economic and religious structures were envisaged by the Fifth Monarchists, and to explain why specific proposals were made. Lastly, an examination has been made of the later history of the movement, and the subsequent careers of its members. Chapters 1-3 sketch briefly the intellectual climate of the period, and then set the Fifth Monarchists in the context of the general European politico-religious situation following the Reformation. The unprecedented division of Western Europe was seen by many early Protestants as a cataclysmic event, explicable only in terras of the fulfilment of the prophecies of the end of the world. Subsequent political developments, such as the french and Dutch Wars of Religion and the Thirty Years' War, were fitted into the prophetic scheues of Daniel and Revelation. The standard interpretation of the prophecies had to be modified only slightly to guarantee the triumph of the godly (Protestants) before rather than after the end of the world. As early as the 1530s there was an attempt at Münster to set up a New Jerusalem, though the revolutionary political and social doctrines associated with this episode served to discredit millenarianism for many years. But in the early part of the seventeenth century, when the Protestant cause was again in danger of extinction, millenarianism flourished once more. In England, the government was sufficiently strong to prevent another Münster, but a series of self-proclaimed propnets and messiahs, a number of millenarian Puritan ministers and the writings of the academics Mede and Brightman all testified to interest in millenarian ideas. There was also a popular and related concept of England as a chosen nation, entrusted with the execution of God's cosmic plans. When the civil war broke out in 1642, it was rapidly placed by Puritan preachers in a millenarian framework, and accepted in this way by many in the army and in Parliament. A study of the writings of clergy supporting Parliament in the period 1640-53 suggests that about 70% of them believed that a last age of unparallelled glory was about to dawn. But millenarianism was a very flexible concept, and many who looked forward to a time of spiritual perfection abandoned a doctrine which many in the army and the sects equated with social revolution. The execution of King Charles, making way for King Jesus, intensified millenarian excitement, but the Rump did nothing to answer these hopes. The emergence of the Fifth Monarchist movement was a response to the apparent apostacy of all in authority from the millenarian cause. Fifth Monarchists claimed the right of the individual citizen, as saint, to throw down ungodly governments because they had despaired of the magistrates or any in official position doing so. They were an opposition movement, and always remained such except briefly during the Barebones Parliament of 1653. The composition of the Fifth Monarchist movement (chapter 4) reflects the importance of the New Model Army in its origin. Fifth Monarchism was a largely urban movement, and many of the towns where it flourished were garrison towns or naval establishments. Many of the saints had served in the army, as officers, soldiers, or chaplains. There are no Fifth Monarchist records comparable to the Quaker lists of births, marriages and deaths, but an analysis of the two hundred and thirty Fifth Monarchists whose occupations can be establisned gives some indication of their social composition. There was a small but important group of ministers and high-ranking army officers of relatively high social origin. Of the remainder, a large proportion, about 30%, were engaged in the cloth and leather industry and trade. Wone of them was a large-scale merchant or producer. The movement attracted only small masters, journeymen, apprentices and labourers. Grace was more important than birth, and there was no discrimination against those who were economically unfree. Servants and labourers could play an important role, and women were also prominent. A considerable amount of biographical information has been accumulated during the course of this study, and this has been summarized in the Biographical Appendix. The careers of some, such as Feake and William Medley, have been traced for thirty years after the last date when they were previously known. The Fifth Monarchists were a very loosely-organized body, and never formulated a common programme. But their main objectives can be established, and these are discussed in chapters 6-8. The evidence is drawn from the numerous manifestoes, declarations, sermons and biblical expositions published in the 1650s, and from the State Papers. The limited data from the Restoration period suggest that these objectives remained constant. The Fifth Monarchists demanded the destruction of the privileged orders, the national ministry, the lawyers, the great merchants, and the ungodly magistrates and nobility. In their place, they sought to establish a theocracy, an oligarchy of the 'visible saints', and to establish a new social structure in which godliness not birth would be the criterion of superiority. They called for a cheap and decentralized legal system using the Mosaic Code, and for the relief of the poor and of debtors. The principle of private property was accepted, but there were demands that the lands of the ungodly should be confiscated and re-distributed. The saints sought the encouragement of domestic production by a policy of protection and by a trade war against the Dutch, despite the fact that the latter were a Protestant nation. Beggars, debtors and thieves were all to be used as a pool of cheap labour for domestic industry. Despite the attacks on merchants, this programme cannot be classified simply as anti-capitalist. Its diversity is explained partly by the difference between the aspirations of the ministers and few gentry and those of the artisans.

The thesis sets out to examine the interaction between the British royal family and its 'public' in the period between the Hanoverian succession and the recovery of George in from 'insanity' in 1789. Throughout, emphasis is given to the reception of royal activity by the press, who circulated information around the kingdom. It argues that the emergence of the domestic, popular monarchy in the middle of the reign of George III was the result of longterm considerations which arose from the activities of earlier generations of eighteenthcentury royalty, and were further developed by George III and his siblings. The growth of the royal family, and the physical and social limitations of the eighteenth-century court, led to its members finding avenues for self-expression outside the court and consequently to the expansion of the public sphere of the royal family. The subject is approached through six chapters: the move from traditional - usually sacerdotal - manifestations of royal benevolence, to sponsorship of voluntary hospitals and similar charities; accession and coronation celebrations during the century; royal public appearances in general, including the theatre and the masquerade, as well as visits to the provinces; the royal residences; royal support for scientific endeavour; and the legacy of the seventeenth century on eighteenth-century royalty, including portraiture and the family's martial connections, and the appearance or absence of mythologized seventeenth-century images in relation to the Thanksgiving of 1789. The thesis is intended to complement recent work on the emergence of national consciousness in Britain in the eighteenth century, as well as on royalty itself. It attempts to identify some of the questions concerning the place the royal family had in the society of eighteenth-century Britain, how its public image reflected that context, and how this helped the monarchy to survive as a stronger institution.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Columbia University, 1933. / Vita. Published also without thesis note. Bibliography: p. [305]-320.

Th. doct.--Droit public--Aix-Marseille 3, 1999. / Bibliogr. p. 445-504. Index.

During the 2011 Arab Spring protests, the Presidents of Egypt and Tunisia lost their seats as a result of popular protests. While protests occurred in Morocco during the same time, King Mohammed VI maintained his throne. I argue that the Moroccan king was able to maintain his power because of factors that he has because he is a king. These benefits, including dual religious and political legitimacy, additional control over the military, and a political situation that make King Mohammed the center of the Moroccan political sphere, are not available to the region's presidents.

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the outcomes of the 2011 Arab Spring from the perspective of regime types within the Middle East and North Africa. The intense year of protest that spread throughout the Arab world had disparate effects between countries which this paper investigates. Utilizing an institutional approach, I separate the Arab world into monarchic and republican systems relying on data provided by the Arab Barometer II and III. Theoretically, I suggest, and find evidence to support, that monarchies were more resistant to the Arab protests because desires for change were not as strong within these countries because of the historical arrangements within these countries.