This thesis is a study of the reasons for the failure of the Third Crusade to achieve its stated objectives, despite the many advantages with which the venture began. It is proposed herein that the Third Crusade—and by extension all of the previous and subsequent Crusades—were destined to fail because of structural disadvantages which plagued the expeditions to the Holy Land. The Christians in the Holy Land were not selfsufficient, and they depended on an extensive amount of aid from Europe for their existence, but the Christians of Europe had their own goals and concerns which did not allow them to focus on building a stable kingdom in the Holy Land. For European Christians, crusading was a religious obligation, and once their vows were fulfilled, they no longer had any desire to remain in the Levant. Although the Crusaders did score some short-term victories over their Muslim adversaries, the Christian presence in the Holy Land was unsustainable, for the Crusades—from the European perspective—were a religious movement without a tangible, long-term political objective, and given those circumstance, any crusade would be unsuccessful.

While historians have gone to great efforts in studying the belligerent powers during the First World War, very little attention has been paid to such neutral powers as Spain. Several European nations declared neutrality in 1914, but many strayed from this course in favor of active belligerence. Spain, however, remained neutral for the war's duration; thus, this thesis examines and explores the nature of Spanish neutrality during the First World War. Spain's decision to adhere to a neutral policy required serious consideration as it had to weigh the consequences and advantages of intervention; however, military and economic weakness, as well as diplomatic isolation pushed Spain towards neutrality. Some hoped by abstaining from involvement, their country would emerge at the war's end as the arbiter of peace, enabling Spain to regain prestige and reestablish itself as a major continental power. However, neutrality proved to be a difficult undertaking because Spain could not escape the hardships and effects of a continental war. As domestic crises enveloped the country, a divided public aligned itself into Francophiles and Germanophiles. Escalating domestic issues became exacerbated by diplomatic conflicts resulting from the German submarine warfare campaign, which challenged Spain's neutrality policy. Thus, Spain found itself in a precarious position during the war. While recognizing the necessity to maintain neutrality, it suffered serious consequences for its decision. It did not emerge from the war as an arbiter of peace, but suffered diplomatic humiliation over its failure to overcome the German submarine threat. The government's focus on foreign policy led its leaders to ignore the growing domestic discontent, which further destabilized an already unsteady government. As a result, governments rose and fell as all proved incapable of resolving Spain's ever-increasing problems. The case of Spain in the First World War demonstrates that neutrality is not necessarily the safe course that many believe, as no country can fully escape the effects of war. As a neutral, Spain faced incredible difficulties. The government's neutrality policy kept Spain out of the war, but the regime faced the significant consequences of this decision including its ultimate demise.

The process of nation-building in nineteenth century Canada involved the production of national symbols which could transcend sub-national loyalties, such as class, gender, ethnic, and religious identities, and unite the residents of the Canadian nation. While the symbols were many and varied, in this study I analyse the manner in which the Canadian state and civil society used royal ceremonies and representations to define and unify the Canadian nation between 1860 and 1911. The study focusses on the Canadian observances of Queen Victoria's Golden and Diamond Jubilees, her Memorial Services, the Coronation and Memorial Services of Edward VII, the Coronation of George V, and the royal visits of the Prince of Wales (Edward VII) in 1860 and the Duke of Cornwall and York (George V) in 1901. Regarding society and social relations as neither static nor fixed, but multiple and contradictory, I use the concept of cultural hegemony combined with elements from the "new" cultural history to examine the complex nature of power, identity, and royal representation in the nation-building process. Specifically, I argue that male members of the middle class articulated representations of themselves, women, the upper and lower classes, and the monarchy in order to legitimise their social authority and consolidate themselves as a cultural hegemony in the new national society. In turn, women and the upper and working classes resisted these representations with images of their own designed to empower themselves. The traditional elite claimed public and royal affirmation of their leadership; women and the working class sought an equal place in the nation. Complicating matters, however, were ethnic and religious identities which impinged upon class and gender loyalties and further altered the nature of royal representation and the formation and negotiation of a cultural hegemony. French Canadians, Irish Catholics, Jews, African and Asian Canadians, and the Peoples of the First Nations added their voices—and imagery—to the process of nation-building as each articulated representations of the monarchy in order to counter the dominant interpretations emanating from Protestants and whites. By doing so, they sought to either negotiate themselves a place within a wider hegemony or demand that their rights—and their place within the Canadian nation—be respected. Royal ceremonies and representations, then, were not trivial events in Canadian history. They comprised a fundamental feature in national imagery and played a vital part in the building of the Canadian nation.

Shakespeare's history plays are not merely benign representations of various historical figures and events but the site of political, cultural, and ideological contestation at the time of their performance. Richard II documents two divergent theoretical approaches to sovereignty which are more applicable to the political climate in Shakespeare's time than Richard's. In this essay, I read this play through the lens of various political tracts and historical tendencies dominant in late Elizabethan England. Though such an analysis might best be understood as historical materialist in orientation, I offer a contextual analysis of various modes of early modern political thought drawing variously upon theoretical precepts associated with new historicism as well as the 'ideas in context' school associated with Quentin Skinner, among others. / Such an analysis reveals a shift in the mode of theoretical discourse. Richard's divine-right/monarchical approach to sovereignty based in an overarching ecclesiastical power base gives way to Bolingbroke's pragmatic and consensus driven politics. This shift mirrors the movement in late 16$ rm sp{th}$ and early 17$ rm sp{th}$ century England from traditional religious arguments offered by Richard Hooker, John Whitgift, and residually by James I to a more secular political discourse inaugurated by Machiavelli and his English adherents and symptomatic of the reign of Elizabeth herself. Roughly speaking this modulation follows the pattern of paradigm shifts in the physical sciences exposed by Thomas Kuhn's influential Structure of Scientific Revolutions (1962). The emergent theory, while marking a rapid and overwhelming reorientation of the terms and initial presuppositions of political discourse, draws in many crucial respects on the accrued tenets of the outgoing paradigm. The play therefore acts as a retroactive representation of a political reformation which occurred much later than the events depicted in the play.

This thesis takes a discursive/rhetorical approach to the topic of support for modern constitutional monarchy. It examines in detail some of the rhetorical devices used by modern Japanese speakers when they discuss monarchism. In so doing the thesis highlights both the discursive and social dilemmas involved in contemporary monarchism. In Britain, another constitutional monarchical state, critical psychologists have analysed what have been called 'dilemmas of lived ideology' (BiIIig et al., 1988). Billig (1992) analysed ordinary people's discourses about British monarchism. He points out that people employ dilemmatic themes as they justifY, mitigate and make sense of their own non-privileged positions under egalitarianism. I use Billig's work as a main reference, and apply his analytical frameworks (discursive psychology) for my investigation ofJapanese monarchism. Amongst several features ofJapanese conversation, I focus on its complicated naming and honorific systems. These systems almost always encode power structures amongst speaker-addressee, speaker-referent as well as addressee-referent relationships. Analysing people's mundane (family) conversations about the Emperor system, I have found contradictory rhetorical common-places, which are not always voiced explicitly, but are often formulated implicitly through these linguistic implications (i.e. naming, honorifics). Moreover, these codes have to be managed in their particular discursive contexts where the different systems of showing honour can conflict. By analysing news articles, in addition, I focus on a terminology which is employed exclusively to describe an Emperor's death. Lookingat the contexts in which terms are used (and not used), the process of construction ofthe social reality (i.e. monarchism under egalitarian social norm) is illustrated. Through my analysis, I believe, a new perspective for Japanese monarchism is introduced: people represent the institutional reality and accept the inequality simultaneously through mundane discursive interaction.

"27 October 1998" / Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, School of Law, 1999. / Bibliography: p. 509-550. / Thesis -- Appendices. / 'The Crown' has been described as a 'term of art' in constitutional law. This is more than misleading, obscuring the pivotal legal position of the king, which in modern times has been conveniently ignored by lawyers and politicians alike. -- This work examines the legal processes by which a king is made, tracing those processes from the earliest times to the present day. It concludes that the king is made by the selection and recognition by the people, his taking of the Oath of Governance, and his subsequent anointing. (The religious aspects of the making of the king, though of considerable legal significance, are not examined herein, because of space constraints.) -- The Oath of Governance is conventionally called the 'Coronation Oath'-which terminology, while correctly categorising the Oath by reference to the occasion on which it is usually taken, has led by subliminal implication to an erroneous conclusion by many modern commentators that the Oath is merely ceremonial. -- This work highlights the legal implications of the king's Oath of Governance throughout history, particularly in times of political unrest, and concludes that the Oath legally :- conveys power from the people to the person about to become king (the willingness of the people so to confer the power having been evidenced in their collective recognition of that person); - bestows all the prerogatives of the office of king upon that person; - enshrines the manner in which those prerogatives are to be exercised by the king in his people(s)' governance; and that therefore the Oath of Governance is the foundation of the British Constitution. -- All power and prerogative lie with the king, who as a result of his Oath of Governance is sworn to maintain the peace and protection of his people(s), and the king can not, in conscience or law, either do, or allow, anything that is in opposition to the terms of that Oath. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / xxvii, 818 p

Mémoire (M.E.S.R.)--Université du Québec à Chicoutimi, 1997. / Bibliogr.: f. 127-144. Document électronique également accessible en format PDF. CaQCU

Thesis (M.A.)--Indiana University, 2009. / Title from screen (viewed on August 27, 2009). Department of History, Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI). Advisor(s): Jason Kelly. Includes vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 106-113).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2000. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 360-368).

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-03T12:19:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tania Aparecida da Silva Calonga.pdf: 1641115 bytes, checksum: bf632d8a50ba9032af08a00832b8b1ee (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The memorable king Solomon entered into history as a wise man for excellence. Even nowadays most people link his name to wisdom. But, when we get knowledge of texts that refer to Solomon, of how they were written and which ideologies they have (the favourable and the opposite ones), then many questions are made, in special when they search methodically to dissociate the history from memory. It seems the traditional historiography about Solomon has been found much dependent of his idealized figure yet. Result of a construction made as since his time by his scribes s hands as in later times, too, according to interests of each epoch. The conclusion is that Solomon s wisdom is not more than an ideological construction. Since this perspective, urge the challenge in searching another memory of Solomon, with the aim of suggesting an alternative way which may allow us to produce a new historiography about him. A historiography that may not be based on the oficial memory , but that one which may follow in the opposite way, from memories of those who were not influenced by the ideology of power. And, finally, to verify our thesis about the existence of two opposite memories about Solomon in the school of scribes in the court of Jerusalenm in 10th century b. C. Unfortunately, available sources about this issue are scarce, for we only have texts or memories about Solomon. We refer to 1Rs 1-2, that belongs to the so called History of succession believing that, from that narrative, it is possible to construct a historiography that might be different of that traditional one. We conclude that within the Solomonic school of scribes there were two opposite ideologies: Those which were favourable to Solomon and were used to defend the urban interests, and those that belonged to anti-Solomonic school and anti-Jerusalem, which were used to represent the interests of peasants who were explored and oppressed by the power. / O memóravel rei Salomão passou para a história como um sábio por excelência. Ainda na atualidade, a maioria das pessoas relaciona o seu nome com a sabedoria. Mas a partir do momento que passamos a ter conhecimento dos textos que se referem a Salomão, de como foram construídos e quais as ideologias ali presentes (tanto as favoráveis quanto as contrárias), surgem muitos questionamentos, em especial, quando se busca metodicamente dissociar a história da memória. Ao que parece a historiografia tradicional sobre Salomão, ainda encontra-se muito dependente da figura idealizada de Salomão. Resultado de uma construção feita desde a sua época, pelas mãos de seus escribas, como também em tempos posteriores, de acordo com os interesses de cada época. Concluí-se que a sabedoria de Salomão nada mais é do que uma construção ideológica. A partir dessa perspectiva, surge o desafio de buscar outra memória de Salomão, a fim de propor um caminho alternativo, que nos permita produzir uma nova historiografia a respeito de Salomão. Uma historiografia que não se firma na memória oficial , mas que siga na direção contrária, a partir das memórias dos que não se deixaram influenciar pela ideologia do poder. Dessa forma, poderemos alcançar a comprovação de nossa tese: a existência de duas memórias conflitantes a respeito de Salomão, dentro da Escola de Escribas da corte de Jerusalém no século X a.C. Infelizmente, as fontes disponíveis sobre esse assunto são realmente escassas, o que temos são textos, isto é, memórias sobre Salomão. Escolheu-se um texto crítico a Salomão. Trata-se de 1Rs 1-2, texto que pertence a chamada História da Sucessão de Davi, acreditando-se que a partir dele, consiga-se produzir uma historiografia diferente da historiografia tradicional. Concluímos que dentro da Escola de Escribas Salomônica existiam duas ideologias conflitantes. Os que eram a favor de Salomão, defendiam os interesses urbanos. Aqueles que pertenciam à escola anti-Salomônica e anti-Jerusalém, representavam os interesses dos camponeses explorados e oprimidos pelo poder.