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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

L'aménagement du territoire qui permet de délimiter un territoire, tant spatialement, en fixant des frontières d'intervention, que par l'usage qui y est appliqué, est fondamentalement un objet géopolitique. Cette pratique est donc sujette à des conflits entre les différents acteurs qui la mettent en place ou, au contraire, la contestent. Ce problème est particulièrement prégnant dans le cas du Silo no 5, puisque cette ancienne infrastructure industrielle du vieux port de Montréal fait l'objet d'un débat quant à son réaménagement depuis plus de vingt ans. Il s'agit donc dans ce travail de recherche d'étudier l'aménagement sous l'angle de la géopolitique, c'est-à-dire de comprendre comment les conflits et les rapports de force ont influencé l'orientation et l'avancée des différents projets élaborés pour la mise en valeur du Silo no 5. La question principale de ce mémoire est fondée sur l'analyse, proposée par Philippe Subra, de cette activité conflictuelle. L'objectif de ce mémoire est de démontrer que le conflit entourant le Silo no 5 est un conflit d'aménagement convoité au sens où l'entend Philippe Subra. Une meilleure compréhension du phénomène de conflictualité, qui s'est développé de manière continue ces dernières années, devrait permettre une meilleure appréhension de la dynamique des projets d'aménagement et une efficacité plus grande lors de la mise en place et la gestion de ces derniers. En étudiant le cas du Silo no 5, nous sommes aboutis à différentes conclusions. D'une part, le conflit entourant le Silo no 5 relève successivement d'un conflit d'aménagement menacé puis d'un conflit d'aménagement convoité au regard des trois cas types proposés par Philippe Subra. D'autre part, la grille d'analyse proposée par ce dernier doit être considérablement simplifiée pour s'adapter au contexte montréalais. Ce sont essentiellement les enjeux du conflit qui permettent de le rattacher à un des trois cas types, bien plus que les mécanismes particuliers qui le constituent. ______________________________________________________________________________

The everyday life of people on the street has not received the attention it deserves in the history of late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Quebec. This dissertation joins a small number of recent studies which redress this omission. It makes a significant contribution to existing examinations of North American cities and Canadian social history through the use of categories which are rarely employed and questions that are seldom posed in investigations of working-class history during the period of industrialization. A holistic treatment of Marxist philosophy provides the theoretical underpinnings for a sensitive engagement with daily street life in an urban milieu. As a site of intense sociability, Notre-Dame Street, the main street of the industrial suburb of Saint-Henri, offers a unique perspective on the intricate use of public space and its relations to social space. This thesis covers the period between the years of town incorporation in 1875 and annexation to the City of Montreal in 1905. / Notre-Dame Street underwent significant transformations in this period. A main street of a small town on the outskirts of Montreal became the principal commercial street of a bustling industrial city. The 1890s was a decade of particularly marked shifts, characterized by significant population growth and dramatic changes in physical form. Class and ethnic tensions intensified as a result. A 1891 labour dispute at Merchants Manufacturing, a textile factory, took to the streets, and the local elite contested George A. Drummond's refusal to pay municipal taxes in 1897. Resistance to monopoly control of utilities was evidenced by the use of petitions and protets or notarized letters. Workers' parties, journalists, and municipal reform leagues increasingly challenged the hegemony of the local elite whose persistent practices of overspending resulted in a substantial debt and annexation. / The study of a local street in an industrializing community demonstrates the prevailing social and political distribution of wealth and power. It reveals significant differences between the various class ideologies which were played out in the management of the public space of the street. An economic liberal ideology was instrumental to the development of the modern Western city through the creation of divisions between public and private spaces. Social usage, the visible presence of the working and marginal classes and women on city streets, suggests a different reality. A reconstruction of daily street life from a diversity of written and visual sources indicates that women, men, and children inhabited and frequented homes, shops, and offices, travelling to and from work, and various places of recreation. The rhythm of everyday street life was punctuated by unusual events of a celebratory, criminal, and tragic nature, which emphasize the connections between spatial structures and subjective experience. / The local management of public space thus involved class antagonisms, characterized by negotiation, transgression, and resistance. This dissertation argues that the politics of this public space benefited the class interests of a grande bourgeoisie of Montreal and a local petite bourgeoisie, to the detriment of the working classes. These conflicting class interests were played out in a variety of different ways. The exclusion and appropriation of social and symbolic spaces were characterized by distinct property ownership and rental patterns. An anglophone grande bourgeoisie of Montreal owned vacant and subdivided lots. A francophone petite bourgeoisie dominated property ownership, and a majority of renters lived in flats on the main street and on adjoining streets. The shaping of the physical infrastructure was distinguished by the growth of monopolies and minimal local intervention. The civic manifestation of the ordered and ritualistic celebration of the parade emphasized a Catholic identity. Attempts to impose an appropriate and genteel code of behaviour on city streets led to the moral regulation and social control of criminal behaviour.

This dissertation explores the cultural practice of smoking and its connection to social relations from the beginning of cigarette mass production in Montreal in 1888 to the First World War. It uncovers the norms of smoking etiquette and taste, their roots in gender, class and race relations and their use in reproducing these power relationships. It argues that these prescriptions reflected and served to legitimize beliefs about inclusion, exclusion and hierarchy that were at the core of nineteenth century liberalism. Liberal ideals of self-control and rationality structured the ritual of smoking: from the purchase of tobacco; to who was to smoke; to how one was supposed to smoke; to where one smoked. These prescriptions served to normalize the exclusion of women from the definition of the liberal individual and to justify the subordination of the poor and cultural minorities. Furthermore, even while these prescriptions were at their height, an emergent group of beliefs began to recast notions of respectable smoking around new ideals of speed and ungendered universality. This challenge was not only part of the transition from bourgeois to mass consumption, it was the roots of a transformation of the liberal order in the years previous to the First World War.

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