Orientadora: Angélica Lovatto / Banca: Anderson Deo / Banca: Marcos Del Roio / Banca: Lalo Watanabe Minto / Banca: Pedro Jorge de Freitas / Resumo: O objeto de estudo desta tese são as manifestações estudantis pelo impeachment do Presidente Fernando Collor de Mello ocorridas em 1992, enfatizando o papel de destaque das entidades estudantis, União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) e União Brasileira de Estudantes Secundaristas (UBES). A pergunta que norteou este trabalho foi: por que o Movimento Estudantil (ME) foi a "fagulha" dos protestos "Fora Collor"? Dito de outra maneira, por que o ME "saiu na frente" nestes protestos? Como hipótese geral, consideramos o suposto protagonismo do ME como produto da trajetória de reorganização percorrida pelos estudantes desde a reconstrução da UNE em 1979 e da UBES em 1981 e pelas características definidoras da juventude dos anos 1990, uma geração marcada pela glória das gerações passadas que fizeram história manifestando-se contra a censura e a repressão da Ditadura Militar. Diante das interpretações dos meios de comunicação da época, até mesmo de alguns trabalhos acadêmicos, sobre a característica de espontaneidade das manifestações dos "caras pintadas", argumentar que o ME passou por um intenso processo de reorganização durante a conturbada década de 1980 significa atribuir às manifestações da juventude uma causalidade histórica, bem como desmistificar a noção de juventude despolitizada. Como hipóteses específicas, consideramos que o ME enquanto movimento social pode se localizar no campo das lutas de resistência ao sistema do capital, restando-nos compreender em que medida (e quando) ... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The object of study of this thesis are the student demonstrations by the impeachment of President Fernando Collor de Mello that occurred in 1992, emphasizing the prominent role of student organizations, National Union of Students (UNE) and Brazilian Union of Secondary Students (UBES). The question that guided this work was: why the Student Movement (ME) was the "spark" of the protests "Fora Collor"? Put another way, why did the ME "get ahead" in these protests? As a general hypothesis, we consider the supposed role of the ME as a product of the reorganization trajectory of the students since the reconstruction of the UNE in 1979 and the UBES in 1981 and the defining characteristics of the youth of the 1990s, a generation marked by the glory of the past generations made history against the censorship and repression of the Military Dictatorship. Towards of interpretations of the media of the time, even of some scholarly works, on the spontaneity characteristic of the manifestations of "painted faces", to argue that the ME underwent an intense reorganization process during the troubled 1980s means to attribute to the manifestations of youth a historical causality, as well as demystify the notion of depoliticized youth. As specific hypotheses, we consider that the ME as a social movement can be located in the field of struggles of resistance to the capital system, and it remains to understand to what extent (and when) the ME manifests itself in opposition to and critically to the... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Doutor

Thesis (Sc.D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 1979. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND AERONAUTICS. / Vita. / Bibliography: leaves 233-238. / by Byron Kurt Lightenberg. / Sc.D.

Why after almost a decade of silence and "successful" crackdowns of contention during the 1980s has Iran witnessed once again waves of increasing popular protest? What are the processes and mechanisms behind the routinization of collective actions in Iran since the early 1990s, which continue despite state repression? Why and under what circumstances does a strong authoritarian state that has previously marginalized its contenders tolerate some forms of contention despite the state's continued repressive capacity? And finally, to what extent are available social movement theories capable of explaining the Iranian case? In "State, Dissidents, and Contention: Iran, 1979-2010" I engage theories of social movements and contentious politics in order to examine the emergence, development, and likely outcomes of popular contention in contemporary Iran. My study is the first project of its kind to focus on elite factionalism and its impact on popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Although other scholars have extensively written on elite factionalism in postrevolutionary Iran, they have not analyzed the implications of the inter-elite conflict for the emergence and development of social protests against the Islamic Republic. While this study primarily utilizes political process and resource mobilization models, it acknowledges the importance of economic, ideological, and breakdown approaches for the interpretation of the emergence and development of popular mobilization in contemporary Iran. Drawing on data gathered from census figures, public policies, state and oppositional newspapers, and interviews with dissidents and state officials, this study shows that collective actions against the Islamic Republic emerged gradually due to institutional changes, limited electorate competition, social and educational expansion, and, more importantly, the intellectual transformation of a significant segment of the elites and their action-intended discourse. I demonstrate that the political opportunity structure is not a unitary national opportunity but rather varies by social groups, demands, and contexts. I make this argument by exploring the political environment for collective mobilization in contemporary Iran in four key contexts: 1. the period of consolidation, war, and repression (1979-1988, the Khomeini era); 2. the period of postwar reconstruction and economic liberalization (1989-1997, the tenure of President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani); 3. the era of reform and political opening (1997-2005, the tenure of President Seyyed Mohammad Khatami); and 4. the period of mobilization in the context of increasingly violent repression (2005-present, the tenure of President Mahmood Ahmadinejad). By examining social protests within these different contexts, I conclude that regimes that use force to restrict political rights after a long and sustained period of opening risk eliciting resistance from dissidents who have already gained organizational resources to challenge the state's violent closing.

The monkey lateral intraparietal area (LIP) is involved in visual attention and eye movements. It has traditionally been studied using extracellular recording, where often a single neuron is recorded at a time. Thus we have a wealth of correlational knowledge of what LIP neurons do, but not how or why, i.e. we do not know the circuit mechanisms and functions of the observed LIP activity. In this thesis, we have aimed to uncover the circuit mechanisms underlying LIP activity by building tightly constrained computational models. In Part 1, we found that during two versions of a delayed-saccade task, beneath similar population average firing patterns across time lie radically different network dynamics. When neurons are not influenced by stimuli outside their receptive fields (RFs), dynamics of the high-dimensional LIP network lie predominantly in one multi-neuronal dimension, as predicted by an earlier model. However, when activity is suppressed by stimuli outside the RF, LIP dynamics markedly deviate from a single dimension. The conflicting results can be reconciled if two LIP local networks, each dominated by a single multi-neuronal activity pattern, are suppressively coupled to each other. These results demonstrate the low dimensionality of LIP local dynamics and suggest active involvement of LIP recurrent circuitry in surround suppression and, more generally, in processing attentional and movement priority and in related cognitive functions. In Part 2, we examine the mechanisms of learning in LIP. When monkeys learn to group visual stimuli into arbitrary categories, LIP neurons become category-selective. Surprisingly, the representations of learned categories are overwhelmingly biased: while different categories are behaviorally equivalent, nearly all LIP neurons in a given animal prefer the same category. We propose that Hebbian plasticity, at the synapses to LIP from prefrontal cortex and from lower sensory areas, could lead to the development of biased representations. In our model, LIP category selectivity arises due to competition between inputs encoding different categories, and bias develops due to excitatory lateral interactions among LIP neurons. This model reproduces the different levels of category selectivity and bias observed in multiple experiments. Our results suggest that the connectivity of LIP allows it to learn the behavioral importance of stimuli in order to guide attention.

This dissertation analyzes the role of various kinds of boycotts and sanctions in the strategies and tactics of those active in the struggle against apartheid in South Africa. What was unprecedented about the efforts of members of the global anti-apartheid movement was that they experimented with so many ways of severing so many forms of interaction with South Africa, and that boycotts ultimately came to be seen as such a central element of their struggle. But it was not inevitable that international boycotts would become indelibly associated with the struggle against apartheid. Calling for boycotts and sanctions was a political choice. In the years before 1959, most leading opponents of apartheid both inside and outside South Africa showed little interest in the idea of international boycotts of South Africa. This dissertation identifies the conjuncture of circumstances that caused this to change, and explains the subsequent shifts in the kinds of boycotts that opponents of apartheid prioritized. It shows that the various advocates of boycotts and sanctions expected them to contribute to ending apartheid by a range of different mechanisms, from bringing about an evolutionary change in white attitudes through promoting the desegregation of sport, to weakening the state’s ability to resist the efforts of the liberation movements to seize power through guerrilla warfare. But though the purpose of anti-apartheid boycotts continued to be contested, boycott had, by 1970, become established as the defining principle of the self-identified anti-apartheid movement.

This dissertation provides a history of the white supremacist police-state in Nairobi beginning with the excursions of European-led caravans and ending with the institutionalizing of the municipal entity known as the township of Nairobi. It argues that the town was not an entity in which white supremacist and colonial violence occurred but that it was itself an effect white supremacy. It presents the invasion of whiteness into the Nairobi region as an invasion of a new type of power: white supremacist police power. Police power is reflected in the flogging of indigenous peoples by explorers, settlers and administrators and the emergence of new institutions including the constabulary, the caravan, the “native location” and the punitive expedition. It traces the transformation of the figure of the indigenous other as “hostile native,” “raw native,” “native,” “criminal-African” and finally “African.” The presence of whiteness, the things of whiteness, and bodies racialized as white in this settler-colonial society were corrosive and destructive elements to indigenous life and were foundational to the construction of the first open-air prison in the East African Hinterland.

The abolitionists were a community of wordsmiths whose political movement took shape in a sea of printed and handwritten words. These words enabled opponents of slavery in the nineteenth-century United States to exert political power, even though many of them were excluded from mainstream politics. Women and most African Americans could not vote, and they faced violent reprisals for speaking publicly. White men involved in the antislavery cause frequently spurned party politics, using writing as a key site of political engagement. Reading and writing allowed people from different backgrounds to see themselves as part of a political collective against slavery. “The Politics of Correspondence” examines how abolitionists harnessed the power of the written word to further their political aims, arguing that letter writing enabled a disparate and politically marginal assortment of people to take shape as a coherent and powerful movement. “The Politics of Correspondence” expands the definition of politics, demonstrating that private correspondence, not just public action, can be a significant form of political participation. The antislavery movement’s body of shared political ideas and principles emerged out of contest and debate carried on largely through the exchange of letters. People on the political fringes and disfranchised persons, especially African Americans and women, harnessed the medium of letters to assert themselves as legitimate political agents, claiming entitlements hitherto denied them. In doing so, they contested the presumed boundaries of the body politic and played key roles in advancing demands for immediate emancipation, civil rights, and equality to the forefront of national political discussions. “The Politics of Correspondence” argues that correspondence was a flexible medium that abolitionists used throughout this period in efforts to both shape and respond to the changing conditions of national politics. A vast and dispersed archive documents the antislavery movement and serves as the basis of research for the dissertation. Scholars of antislavery have used the extensive manuscript collections of prominent abolitionists and print archives of antislavery newspapers, pamphlets, and circulars to investigate the movement’s ideas and organization. But this is the first project to focus on letter writing itself and its role in the movement. Rather than view letters as transparent windows into the past, “The Politics of Correspondence” examines them as tools that ordinary people and unexpected political agents used to advance the antislavery cause. Abolitionists relied upon conventions associated with handwritten letters, which they creatively manipulated to achieve political ends. Writing a letter was an act of composition that involved self-reflection, imagined discussion, and staking a claim to one’s beliefs. Correspondents drew upon shared cultural understandings, ranging from the anonymity of the postal system to the sense of physical intimacy associated with handwritten letters. They inventively employed these understandings to make political statements that simultaneously relied upon and subverted letter-writing conventions.

Historically in the United States, after-action investigations have consistently accused the intelligence community of early warning in foreign policy and national security events. However, closer inspection shows that the intelligence community does provide timely and actionable estimates-when it is directed to do so. In some instances, the root cause of failure does not lie within the intelligence community. Rather, it is due to a malfunction in the Requirements and Priorities (R&P) process, a mechanism that integrates intelligence and policy communities. The R&P provides the "mandate" for the intelligence community- it delivers a ranking of intelligence priorities, and informs resource distribution, interagency cooperation, and operational authorisations for federal intelligence agencies. The R&P process has been highlighted consistently as a systemic weakness, has undergone numerous changes, and remains a source of tribulation. Yet it is rarely addressed, and absent from after-action investigations. The impact of the R&P becomes most visible when urgent, unexpected issues arise in low priority areas. These events force a "mandate shift" - a rapid escalation of the issue to a higher priority, commanding an immediate realignment of mandate-level functions. Faults in any component of the mechanism can delay or restrict critical actions, and often as manifest as errors of intelligence collection or analysis. These "symptoms" are often misdiagnosed as the root cause, leading to accusations of intelligence failure. This research sets forth a model to observe the impact of the R&P on the outcome of foreign policy and national security events, while simultaneously investigating core functions of the intelligence and policy communities. This R&P-centric model is applied to three cases of social movement escalation: el Bogotázo (1948), the Iranian Revolution (1979), and the Rwandan Genocide (1994). The cases trace the R&P structure at the time, to examine how faults in the R&P can impact the intelligence community's ability to provide early warning, and influence the overall outcome.

The purpose of this dissertation is to develop the theoretical concept of social movement momentum by examining the origins, framing strategies, and organizational dynamics of the East Timor transnational social movement. To accomplish this, in-depth interviews of twenty activists and intellectuals involved in the East Timor movement from 1975-1999 were conducted and examined using qualitative data analysis methods. Specifically, comparative historical methods utilizing grounded theory and the phenomenological approach were employed. This study fills a gap in the social movement literature by engaging and expanding the main theoretical debates in sociology over movement mobilization, political outcomes, movement emotions, solidarity, and movement framing. These debates, along with the theoretical concept of social movement momentum as developed in this dissertation, are used to explain and analyze interviewees' first-hand accounts of the East Timor campaigns. . This resulted in a series of successes that represent the peak of the momentum in the East Timor movement. In sum, this study aids researchers in understanding how the successes and failures of social movement activity can be better explained using the theoretical concept of social movement momentum. By analyzing the significance of momentum in a movement post hoc, this study contributes a more nuanced understanding of how social movements create social change. / by Shane Gunderson. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

劉雲龍. / 論文(哲學碩士) -- 香港中文大學硏究院政治及公共行政學部, 1996. / 參考文献 : leaves 161-176. / Liu Yunlong. / 引言 / Chapter 一、 --- 社會運動理論的盲點 --- p.1 / Chapter 二、 --- 社會運動的定義 --- p.3 / Chapter 三、 --- 領袖「啓蒙」與理性選擇 --- p.5 / Chapter 四、 --- 菁英主義以外的理論補充 --- p.7 / Chapter 第一章 --- 理論探討 / Chapter 一、 --- 哲學和政治學的理性假設傳統 --- p.12 / Chapter 二、 --- 理性人爲何要參與集體行動?----理性選擇 論與搭便車的疑難 --- p.17 / Chapter 三、 --- 大團體、小團體和組織 --- p.24 / Chapter 四、 --- 利益群體的四度空間 --- p.30 / Chapter 五、 --- 資源動員理論 --- p.37 / Chapter 六、 --- 新社會運動論 --- p.43 / Chapter 七、 --- 小結 --- p.46 / Chapter 第二章 --- 群眾參與、動員與組織 / Chapter 一、 --- 積極參與和消極參與 --- p.49 / Chapter 二、 --- 核心動員、組織動員、群體動員 --- p.52 / Chapter 三、 --- 組織的群體界定功能 --- p.55 / Chapter 四、 --- 群體動員的非理性因素 --- p.58 / Chapter 第三章 --- 八十年代台灣學運外觀 / Chapter 一、 --- 台灣學者對社會運動的研究及分期方式 --- p.62 / Chapter 二、 --- 組織由寡到多、由小而大 --- p.68 / Chapter 三、 --- 「走出校園」與學運組織的串連 --- p.73 / Chapter 四、 --- 校園、社會、政治三大改造方向 --- p.79 / Chapter 第四章 --- 台灣學運的動員規模 / Chapter 一、 --- 核心動員和組織動員 --- p.87 / 組織特徵 --- p.87 / 抗爭議題及群體界定 --- p.96 / Chapter 二、 --- 群體動員一野百合學運 --- p.103 / 校際組織及九二八大遊行 --- p.103 / 野百合學運 --- p.108 / 組織核心與群眾關係 --- p.117 / Chapter 三、 --- 小結 --- p.123 / 總結 --- p.127 / Chapter 一、 --- 組織在群體動員上處於次要角色 --- p.128 / Chapter 二、 --- 台灣學生運動的「動員」與「不動員」 --- p.130 / Chapter 三、 --- 進一步的硏究方向 --- p.134 / 註釋 --- p.137 / 參考書目 --- p.161