This project explores the racialized construction of the Canadian nation through the teaching of history and the discourse of multiculturalism, and investigates the ways in which young people experience and make sense of history, nation and race in the context of 'official' narratives of the nation. I begin by reviewing the literature of critical race theory, then use this theoretical framework as a lens through which to review the literature of qualitative studies of young people's historical meaning-making. Following a discussion of the methodological approach, I analyse the construction of race and nation through the discourse of Canadian history, as manifested in a variety of sites, including federal policy, curriculum frameworks, textbooks, and the Historica Foundation's Heritage Minutes. Finally, I present the results of a conversation with youth about their experiences with and views of race, nation and history.

This thesis compares multiculturalism policies in Canada and Sweden, emphasising immigrant and ethnic minority political participation and representation. The analysis follows a structural approach, looking at, in each country, the level of "institutional inclusiveness" or the degree of openness to cultural diversity. Though Sweden offers better formal conditions for integration, Canada fares much better in incorporating immigrants and ethnic minorities in its citizenry. This suggests that Canadian institutions are more reflective of the principles of multiculturalism. Still, in both countries, visible minorities face more obstacles than other groups in the process of integration.

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This thesis explores the National Film Board's Cultural Diversity in Action Initiatives (1997-- ) whose aim is to redress the under-representation of filmmakers of colour in the English Program's documentary film production streams. Focusing on how these strategies and objectives have broadly tried to promote racial diversity (for instance, one way is through the goal of having one of four filmmakers be a person of colour), this thesis proposes that these initiatives represent the NFB's most prominent and socially progressive raison d'etre for the late 1990s and the new millennium.

I examine the concept of "culture" being promoted in the Canadian policy of multiculturalism and by Tamil refugees safeguarding their culture in Quebec. I take culture in its relation to power as my focus. I explore what culture means to the Tamils, and how the Canadian ideology of multiculturalism is implicated in the way Tamil "culture keepers" (re)construct their cultural identity. / This research addresses popular "multiculturalism" movements which use anthropological notions of culture but fail to problematize the notion of culture itself. I illustrate how and why the concept of culture is itself culturally embedded and historically shaped, and thus dense with political implications. / It also addresses anthropological approaches which avoid realist ethnography because of its political implications. I argue that a focus on culture in its relation to power is necessary in order to examine anthropology's own continuing involvement in imperialism.

The Canadian government introduced its Multicultural and Employment Equity policies in a series of attempts to induce federally-controlled institutions to reflect the racial diversity of the Canadian population in their programs and workforces. This is a case study of one institution's response to these policies. It examines the implementation of the six-year New Initiatives in Film (NIF) program begun in 1990 by the now-defunct women's filmmaking unit, Studio D of the National Film Board of Canada (NFB) and exposes the fault lines along which the goals of the NFB's various constituent parts clashed and meshed with the diverse goals of various parties in NIF's target communities (i.e. "emergent aboriginal and 'of colour' women filmmakers"). I argue that because the NIF program was structured according to the politics of identity ("race" in this case), "artworld" issues of unfair hiring and funding practices in the Canadian film industry, became distorted and expressed as issues of identity. Obfuscating the professional dynamics in the world of Canadian filmmaking by using "race" as an organizing principle did not, in the long-term, assure the sustained inclusion of excluded groups within mainstream institutions. A more effective strategy, the data suggests, would have been for underrepresented groups to cultivate alliances with professionals in the filmmaking industry based on concrete occupational, rather than hypothetical race-based interests.

Within the framework of international trade liberalization which has given rise to considerable thought about the fundamental contribution of cultural diversity to sustainable development, we explore the upholding of the educational rights of recognized linguistic minorities and of the aboriginal and treaty rights of First Nations under the Constitution Act, 1982. We examine these rights in the light of relevant judgments of the Supreme Court of Canada in order to confirm our initial hypothesis that the highest court in the land can show governments here and abroad the steps to take to ensure that the cultural rights specific to some communities and the citizenship common to the population as a whole can coexist in a free and democratic nation. / Our analysis shows that, while relying on the historical, equality and cultural-based justification of the existence of these rights, the Court favours an approach centred on three fundamental principles: the duty of the State to act equitably in the "best interest" of cultural minorities through a flexible approach to the interpretation of established rights; a fair participation in the management of and access to resources by minority groups; and finally, the fostering of social cohesion in order for unity in diversity to be maintained through a reconciliation of existing rights which must be achieved, first and foremost, by political discussion aimed at finding durable solutions. / From a cultural sustainable development perspective, the specific cultural rights of minority groups must thus favour a common citizenship within a context of respect for cultural diversity, while still being compatible with and promoting the values of a liberal democracy.

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