The music industry in 1962 reflected the political turmoil of the times. Dinner and dancing was a popular pastime. The music Americans heard and enjoyed over the airways was limited, however, by payola. Program directors adhered to criteria that supported the corporate fiscal model of their radio stations. Songs needed to attract listeners and major advertisers. Payola typically involved direct payments from major record labels to disc jockeys and the rewards were lucrative. Record labels fed them songs to play and disc jockeys became loyal to the payments. Thus, payola became a bottleneck to broader distribution of other artists, which hurt musicians, small record labels, and the public, and increased the price of music. Entertainment managers were ambitious band managers who took on additional roles due to the high costs of producing and promoting songs. The case of Robby and the Troubadours is shared through a historical simulated marketing plan. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2018. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The physical sale of music and the effectiveness of traditional media are expected to continue to decline, challenging marketers to develop new methods to create awareness about music. Although music sales are declining, interest in music is healthy, and strongest amongst the American young adult market - between the ages 18-34. This marketing plan uses traditional and innovative techniques to capture the attention of the target market, which is more culturally diverse and technologically advanced than any previous demographic. / by James Rocco Amedeo. / Thesis (M.S.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2009. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2009. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

A research report submitted to the Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts(Arts and Culture Management) 2017 / American film producer, Jason Berman reminds us that music is something the rest of the world wants to listen to; our job is to make sure they pay for it (Matzukis, 2013). When a piece of music is written, a legal right to it comes alive and is vested in the songwriter (author), but if that piece of music is later recorded, a totally different copyright vested in the record company comes alive (Matzukis, 2013). Unfortunately, it appears that the majority of local music role players, particularly composers, producers and performers, are not sufficiently equipped with legal knowledge and common understanding of the music trade’s secrets, its ecosystem or the music industry value chain. The lack of knowledge and exposure is attributed to historically manifested control of the music markets by record companies owned by foreign multinational conglomerates. As a result, a large number of famous and popular local musicians have died penniless. This scenario is painted vividly in an online article titled “Why do our artists die poor?”, which cites Brenda Fassie and Simon Mahlathini Nkabinde as examples of artists who died poor because of bad decisions they made in their career, despite their fame and wealth of music compositions. (www.you.co.za/entertainment/why-do-artists-die-poor/#) In South Africa, the major constraints on the launching of a musical career are access to trade knowledge and the means of production, such as recording facilities (Jordan, 2009).The Southern African Music Rights Organization’s empirical research shows that international music still dominates the South African music market, with 74% of music sold and played on broadcasting and public platforms (Samro, Notes, November 2014, p 13). As a result, the majority of local independent music composers, producers and performers are forced to share the remaining 26% of the music market. This situation worsens when widening the scope to include music role players who are located outside of urbanised provinces such as Gauteng and Western Cape, because most of them lack access to adequate and professional recording studios; lack basic knowledge on ownership of compositions and sound recordings rights; lack the skill to interpret the copyright laws; lack understanding of contractual issues between the artist and record company; lack understanding of the exportation trade; lack the means to submit their audiovisual works for airplay and lack adequate resources to build their brands for competitiveness. Since 2006 the South African music industry has seen an increase in government expenditure on and investment in musical institutions, at national and provincial levels, which are defined in this study as “music hubs”. In 2006, the Eastern Cape Audio Visual Centre (ECAVC) was established in East London (Eastern Cape Province); in 2009/2010, the KZN Music House was established in Durban (KwaZulu-Natal) and in 2008, the Downtown Music Hub was established in Johannesburg (Gauteng Province). The rationale to establish these music hubs is to ease access to the means of production for a large number of local music composers, producers and performers. The purpose of this impact analysis study is evaluate to what extent these music hubs are fulfilling their redress and transformation policy mandate to be beacons of hope for the local music industry. The theoretical grounds of this research study are premised on the concepts of transformation to create access for previously marginalized groups and black economic empowerment for local music role players. This research will unpack how these music hubs, in South Africa, can be used as tools for redress and to transform the music industry into an equitable market for all role players. Although government, at national and provincial level, shows commitment to establishing musical institutions that aim to combat the challenges facing the local music role players as outlined above, it is regrettable that the two music hubs (case studies) in the respective provinces are battling to position themselves as provincial music industry center pieces that create a competitive provincial music ecosystem and network to connect and empower local music industry role players. In 2009, the former minister of arts and culture, Pallo Jordan, in his speech at the launch of the Downtown Music Hub, indicated that the purpose of establishing the music hubs was to lower the barrier by making recording facilities, music manufacturing plants, music distribution channels and music stores more accessible to the most qualifying music role players (Jordan, 2009). This means that if these music hubs are understood as the music development trajectory in South Africa and well implemented, they have the potential to help local music industry role players become more competitive and perform on global music market platforms. / XL2018

Musicians are cultural entrepreneurs, operating as human brands in the South African music industry. The ability to manage their brand effectively may give them an added advantage to compete successfully in this industry. This study sought to explore the integrated marketing communications (IMC) practices of South African musicians in brand promotion. Using a qualitative design, interviews were conducted with practising South African musicians to collect data. The results revealed that South African musicians use multiple marketing communications tools to promote their brands in multimedia campaigns. However, not all the elements required for integrated marketing communications were in evidence. Results from this study may be used by entrepreneurial South African musicians to create a strategy for integrated marketing communications in promoting their brand in the South African music industry and may also contribute towards the practical application of IMC within the broader field of marketing management. / Business Management / M. Com. (Business Management)