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In the late 1990's, various British news agencies reported cases of British-born South Asian Muslim women who forced into marriages. In 2000, the UK government produced a study that determined there were 400 British cases of "forced marriages" reported to UK police in a two year period. In response to these findings, the UK government launched an educational prevention campaign, in which they defined forced marriage as "a marriage conducted without the valid consent of both parties". I argue that, while the aim of the UK government's campaign is to promote the right of choice in marriage, they do not critically examine legal, religious, political and economic issues that may limit the ability of some British South Asian Muslim women to exercise that right. This study examines these issues to develop a better understanding of the link between culture, religion and forced marriage in certain British South Asian Muslim families.

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This study seeks to address a gap in the literature with regard to the Christian Palestinians. As members of a very small minority, they are often overlooked by the media and the academic community. While this is changing to some extent for Christian Palestinians in the Middle East, there is scant literature that considers their lives in the ‘West’ and almost none on their experiences in Britain. This thesis considers how Christian Palestinians have adapted to life in London, including an analysis of the individual experiences of both Christian Palestinians and Muslim Palestinians. Interviews with respondents focused on their English language abilities, educational achievements, attitudes to intermarriage, and their sense of belonging. These aspects were chosen because they offer an insight into respondents’ private and public lives, a distinction that is particularly important in the study of integration and assimilation. Through the assessment of these attributes, this research seeks to redefine the way that assimilation has been viewed and argues that a more comprehensive study of assimilation must include not only an analysis of whether migrants have adopted a characteristic of the host nation’s population, but also an analysis of whether they have adopted the sentiments their native born counterparts have attached to them.

This research study aimed to examine how the identity of ' Muslim' people is constructed in British print media today, and whether or not these constructions promote or undermine a xeno-racist project. The research draws on the idea that identity is partly constructed through representation, with an emphasis on how language can be used to construct and position people in different ways. Using a social constructionist paradigm, the study further considers the role that print media has in providing a discursive field within which the construction and reproduction of racist attitudes and ideologies in contemporary global society can take place. Sixty-five newspaper articles were selected from the online archives of British newspapers, The Guardian and The Daily Telegraph using systematic random sampling. These were analysed using the six stages of Foucauldian discourse analysis outlined by Carla Willig. To provide a more fruitful account, the analysis also incorporated the methods of Potter and Wetherell whose focus is on the function of discourse, as well as van Langenhove and Harre's focus on subject positioning, and Parker's use of Foucauldian analysis which looks at power distributions. The analysis revealed that Muslims are discursively constructed as a direct politicised or terror threat, often drawing on discourses of sharia law, and Muslim-Christian relationships. They are also constructed as a cultural threat, drawing on discourses of isolation, oppressed women, the veil/headscarf, identity, visibility and integration. The analysis also showed some variation in constructions, and these extended from the racialization of Muslims to showing the compatibility between Islamic and western values. This study discusses the form these different constructions take and the possible implications these constructions might have in contributing toward a prejudiced and largely negative image of Islam and Muslims.

The contemporary threat of terrorism has changed the ways in which government and the public view the world. Unlike the existential threat from nation states in previous centuries, today, government and the public spend much of their effort looking for the inward threat. Brought about by high profile events such as 9/11, 7/7, and 3/11, and exacerbated by globalisation, hyper-connected social spheres, and the media, the threats from within are reinforced daily. In the UK, government has taken bold steps to foment public safety and public security but has also been criticised by some who argue that government actions have labelled Muslims as the ‘suspect other'. This thesis explores the counter-terrorism environment in London at the community/government interface, how the Metropolitan Police Service and London Fire Brigade deliver counter-terrorism policy, and how individuals and groups are reacting. It specifically explores the realities of the lived experience of those who make up London's ‘suspect community' and whether or not counter-terrorism policy can be linked to further marginalisation, radicalism, and extremism. By engaging with those that range from London's Metropolitan Police Service's Counterterrorism Command (SO15) to those that make up the radical fringe, an ethnographic portrait is developed. Through that ethnographic portrait the ‘ground truth' and complexities of the lived experience are made clear and add significant contrast to the aseptic policy environment.