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Architecture and urban design are often powerful expressions of political desires to support and legitimise specific regimes. In many postcolonial cities, architecture and urban design are set out to construct national identity and affirm a political power that departs from the former colonial rule. Architecture and urban design may be used by successive postcolonial regimes to compete with each other to legitimise authority and symbolise power. While such concepts of national identity are established through a constellation of urban forms, national identity is always contested. Places may be used and interpreted in ways that differ from what is intended. Attempts to control the meaning of architecture and built form may conflict with the ways in which spatial practices undermine intended meanings.

Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2009. / Title from first page of PDF document. Includes bibliographical references (p. 58-66).

Cette thèse sur l'identité nationale et ecclésiale macédonienne développe trois axes de recherche afin de mieux cerner cette notion complexe d'identité : les cartes ethnographiques, l'ecclésiologie et l'usage des mythes nationaux de 1870 à 2013. Elle mobilise des informations issues de l'aire balkanique, de pays d'Europe occidentale et de Russie, des documents d'archives diplomatiques et ecclésiastiques inédits, et des enquêtes de terrain. La thèse montre d'abord comment, à travers la cartographie ethnographique, a été forgé le concept de « Slaves macédoniens », longtemps resté dans l'ambiguïté d'une acception territoriale ou ethnique ; elle montre aussi les bases théoriques de la notion (avec le rôle d'un Jovan Cvijic), et les différents acteurs, des cartographes et géographes aux théoriciens de la particularité ethnique des Macédoniens. Puis la thèse analyse le rôle des Eglises dans l'affirmation du sentiment national et les critères ecclésiologiques. Les cas de l'Eglise orthodoxe et de l'Eglise uniate macédoniennes prouvent que l'espace ecclésial constitue un excellent observatoire d'analyse identitaire, qui permet de mesurer l'impact des facteurs impliqués dans le processus d'établissement d'Eglises et de situer les défis ecclésiaux aux échelles nationale, régionale et internationale. Enfin, la prise en compte de la construction et de la diffusion de mythes géographiques et historiques en tant que vecteurs d'identité collective, mis en avant par l'Etat, permet de saisir leurs effets dans trois champs : l'enseignement universitaire et scolaire, la révision de l'histoire et l'aménagement territorial, qui concourent au processus actuel de reconstruction identitaire. / This thesis deals with Macedonia's national and ecclesiastical identity and develops three research areas to better define the complex notion of identity : ethnographic maps, ecclesiology, and the use of national myths from 1870 to 2013. It uses information from the Balkans, Western Europe, and Russia along with unpublished documents from diplomatic and ecclesiastical archives as well as field surveys. First of all, through the use of ethnographic maps, the thesis shows how the idea of « Macedonian Slavs » came about, a concept long anchored in the ambiguity of a territorial and ethnic definition. It also demonstrates the theoretical foundation of the idea (including the rôle played by Jovan Cvijic) and presents the various actors from cartographers and geographers to the theoreticians of Macedonian ethnic particularity. The thesis then analyses the rôle of Churches in affirming national feelings as well as ecclesiological criteria. The cases of the Macedonian Orthodox and Uniate Churches prove that the ecclesiastical space constitutes an excellent observation point for analyzing identity. From this observatory, the impact of factors that contributed to the establishment of the Churches can be measured, and the ecclesial challenges can be situated on regional, national, and international scales. Finally, the study of the construction and diffusion of geographical and historical myths, as markers of a collective identity which have been put forward by the State, help to understand their impact in three areas : high school and university teaching, the revision of history, and territorial planning. These three play a rôle in the contemporary process of identity reconstruction.

Cette recherche propose une analyse de la construction de l’idée du Français prototypique – la francité – et de ses effets sociaux sur la catégorisation des individus. Elle vise à prendre le Français majoritaire comme objet d’étude au même titre que les groupes minoritaires, et par-là, à mettre en évidence la logique de production de figures d’« altérité intérieure » (ceux qui ne sont pas ou pas tout à fait Français). L’étude s’appuie sur les résultats de deux enquêtes : analyse du discours politique, et enquête ethnographique sur une pratique institutionnelle d'intégration. D'une part, l'analyse révèle la transition du Français majoritaire référentiel qui ne nécessite aucune définition spécifique, au Français ethnicisé et dénommé (le « français de souche »). D'autre part, elle montre que les critères définitoires du Français convergent vers la dimension civique, avec pour effet de différencier des populations dans la société française en fonction de l'adhésion à ou du respect des « valeurs républicaines ». C’est cette conception actuelle du Français qui imprègne fortement le Contrat d’accueil et d’intégration. L’enquête sur ce dispositif nous dévoile les catégorisations de « Nous » et « Eux » autour de la francité mises en œuvre par les agents, et les diverses tactiques de résistance et de gestion des impressions par les signataires en réponse à ces catégorisations. / This thesis analyses the construction of the idea of prototypical French – Frenchness – and its social effects on the categorization of individuals. The aim of this research is to take the French majority as an object of study in the same way as minority groups, and to highlight the logics of the production of figures of « internal otherness » (those who are viewed as not or not totally French). The study relies on the data from two types of investigations: political discourse analysis, and ethnographic research on a specific institutional practice of integration. On the one hand, the analysis shows the transition from a figure of the French majority as a reference requiring no specific definition, to an ethnicized and specified French figure (“French-lineage French”). On the other hand, we observe that the criteria which define Frenchness converge into its civic dimension, with the effect of differentiating the populations in French society according to their commitment to or respect of “republican values”. This current conception of Frenchness forms the basis of the “welcome and integration contract”. Fieldwork on this program reveals the categorizations of “Us” and “Them” around the Frenchness implemented by the officials, and the various tactics of resistance and impression management employed by the signatories as a response to these categorizations.

abstract: Though some scholars have written about place and history, few have pursued the use of place theory in length in relation to the connections between race, religion, and national identity. Using the writings in the United States and Louisiana in the years surrounding the Louisiana Purchase, I explore place-making and othering processes. U.S. leaders influenced by the Second Great Awakening viewed New Orleans as un-American in its religion and seemingly ambiguous race relations. New Orleanian Catholics viewed the U.S. as an aggressively Protestant place that threatened the stability of the Catholic Church in the Louisiana Territory. Both Americans and New Orleanians constructed the place identities of the other in relation to events in Europe and the Caribbean, demonstrating that places are constructed in relation to one another. In order to elucidate these dynamics, I draw on place theory, literary analysis, and historical anthropology in analyzing the letters of W.C.C. Claiborne, the first U.S. governor of the Louisiana Territory, in conjunction with sermons of prominent Protestant ministers Samuel Hopkins and Jedidiah Morse, a letter written by Ursuline nun Sister Marie Therese de St. Xavior Farjon to Thomas Jefferson, and George Washington Cable's Reconstruction era novel The Grandissimes. All of these parties used the notion of place to create social fact that was bound up with debates about race and anti-Catholic sentiments. Furthermore, their treatments of place demonstrate concerns for creating, or resisting absorption by, a New Republic that was white and Protestant. Place theory proves useful in clarifying how Americans and New Orleanians viewed the Louisiana Purchase as well as the legacy of those ideas. It demonstrates the ways in which the U.S. defined itself in contradistinction to religious others. Limitations arise, however, depending on the types of sources historians use. While official government letters reveal much when put into the context of the trends in American religion at the turn of the nineteenth century, they are not as clearly illuminating as journals and novels. In these genres, authors provide richer detail from which historians can try to reconstruct senses of place. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. Religious Studies 2011

This thesis is focused on the theoretical bases of contemporary analysis of Turkish nationalism and Turkish identity. The first part of this thesis in two chapters provides a brief review of the historical development of Turkish nationalism and the main sources of its ideas, and then summarizes the evolution of theoretical debates on the nationalism and shows the most influent theories of the end of 20th century. The main part of the thesis analyzes texts of contemporary Turkish experts concerned with Turkish nationalism in the book Milliyetçilik. The analysis is focused in detail on four main topics. The aim of the analysis is to show how today's Turkish experts approach the study of Turkish nationalism and which thoughts and theoretical bases they work with.

The origins and development of a sense of Scottish national identity have long been a matter of critical importance for historians of medieval Scotland. Indeed, this was also the case for historians in medieval Scotland itself: this period saw the composition of a number of chronicles that sought to describe the history of Scotland and the Scottish people from their earliest origins until the chroniclers' own time. The dissertation explores ideas of national identity within two medieval Scottish chronicles, known today as Gesta Annalia I and Gesta Annalia II. Taken together, these two chronicles, one written before the Wars of Independence, the other after, can offer valuable insights into the development of the identity of the Scottish kingdom and its people, and the way in which this was affected by the Wars of Independence, providing evidence both of continuity and of contrast. This is of particular interest with respect to their portrayals of the role of the Scottish king and his relationship with the kingdom, given the way in which Robert I and his supporters later apparently attempted to shape the narrative of Scotland's past and the position of its king to their own ends. The dissertation therefore seeks to investigate how such issues of Scotland's identity are presented in Gesta Annalia I and Gesta Annalia II. The first section of the study discusses the construction of these texts. The second then looks at how terms such as 'Scotland' and 'Scot' are understood in the two chronicles, and the relationship between these ideas of the Scottish kingdom and the Scottish people. The third section examines the presentation of the crown, church and language in the chronicles, and the role of these elements in uniting the kingdom and fostering this sense of identity, arguing that the continuity of these ideas between the two texts suggests that many elements of Scotland's national identity were well-established by the later thirteenth century.

Nationalism prevails both inside and outside of what is known to be the geographic boundaries of the nation, as seen by immigrants in the United States, for instance, who recreate sociocultural environments that remind them of home. This study focuses on one such case: Cuban nationalism. How is it that nationalism is found among Cubans born and raised in the island and those born and raised outside? What is at the core of this nationalism that connects persons of different national upbringings? It has something to do with a love for the people, but such a hypothesis needed further explanation. Thus, I collected surveys from 46 Cuban Americans and 48 Cubans in the island who answered basic national history and cultural questions, and engaged in thought experiments. Each respondent was assigned a nationalist score (1 to 4) based on their responses, and the mean score values of both samples were calculated. The responses confirmed that Cuban nationalism is indeed an admiration not only for the people, but more for their sociocultural way of being. Moreover, nationalism is thought to be influenced by domestic factors, but it is equally impacted by international ones. Cuba’s involvement in Angola from 1975 to 1989, where more than 500,000 Cubans served, demonstrates this. As it impacted so many Cubans, it is important to ask: to what extent did this foreign affair affect national identities? To address this question, I interviewed 27 internationalists and examined how this event informed national identities among those involved. Overall, the following study provides an in-depth account of Cuban nationalism as a case study to better understand nationalism as a concept.

The thesis is a study of migration and its links to belonging, class, national identity and recognition in United Arab Emirates (UAE) federation. It focuses on Pakistani migrants, especially Pakistani professionals in Dubai, which is the second largest Emirate of the UAE because of its territorial extension and economic production (Davidson, 2008a). It is not only an empirical study but also partly a conceptual and analytical treatise on migration in the GCC countries. By comparing the extant literature on migration in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries and the findings of my own field research, I argue the need to move beyond concepts such as belonging despite exclusion (Vora, 2013), citizenship as belonging (Vora & Kock, 2015) and nationalism for nationals (Kock, 2015), which have dominated the literature on migration in this region, to better grasp that belonging, class and national identity are contested and situational. Dubai as a transit lounge is an expression used by one of my Pakistani participants to describe the dynamic nature of the city. But more than that, it was used to emphasize that foreign workers life in the emirate is characterized by temporariness. The UAE authorities have categorized people through the citizenship law (no. 17, 1972) in Emiratis and non-Emiratis by conceiving of them as two distinct categories. In my view, this might be interpreted as a fracture between two groups of individuals. In particular, non-Emiratis have been considered and represented in the literature as a monolithic group (Mahdavi, 2011), as disempowered individuals and, especially low-wage migrants, as victims of the market economy over which they cannot wield any control (Kathiravelu, 2016). The extant literature on migration in the GCC countries has portrayed the image of foreign communities in which the role of human agency in the migration experience is underestimated. Starting from the historical evolution of migration in the Arab Gulf region and the links with African and Asian countries, which have contributed towards shaping the ethnic diversity of the UAE and the GCC countries, my research focuses on the presence of Pakistani migrant professionals in Dubai in order to understand the development of migration in the Emirate; the role and importance of the Pakistan Association Dubai (PAD) in contributing towards determining belonging; and therefore how migration affects the Emirati national identity. This thesis challenges the extant literature on migration in the Arab Gulf region by questioning the dichotomy between nationals and non-nationals as two reciprocally-exclusive categories. Instead, it argues the need to look at inter and intra dynamics that take place in the field between the two groups in order to understand how their relations are constructed. It is thus important to consider social interactions between nationals and non-nationals because individuals occupy contradictory and multi-layered locations, spaces and social categories (Yuval-Davis, 2011; Anthias, 2015). This reasoning stems from my historical analysis of ethnic composition and social stratification in the Gulf port cities, especially Dubai, where the coexistence of different ethnic groups resulted from economic exchanges and intermarriages with people coming from African and Asian countries, which in turn contributed towards shaping the ethnic diversity of the region. For example, the construction of belonging cannot be grasped only by looking at non-nationals as an isolated category (Koch, 2015) but it has to be analysed and discussed in relation to others . As such, it is important to consider the role played by migrants and their ethno-national migrant associations in forging the discourse on the Emirati national identity. Migrants, through civic engagement and their participation in the Emirati public sphere, contribute towards strengthening Emirati national identity via their sense of belonging to the country and their agential capacity (e. g. migrant organizations).