Thesis (Ph. D.)--Koryŏ Taehakkyo, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 287-306).

Thesis (Ed.D.)--Boston University / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / This qualitative study examined South Korean teenagers' views on North Korea and possible reunification. In-depth interviews conducted with fourteen (14) South Korean high school students reported that these teenagers were tom about whether or not they should support reunification. While students acknowledged the lack of dialogue and discussion on reunification in the classrooms and with family members, they particularly had a difficult time making sense of North Koreans as one people based on the same blood and ancestry. Rather than the same genealogy with North Koreans, cultural compatibility was identified as the most important criterion for these fourteen students who were raised in the consumerist, global society and identified themselves with westernized, pop culture to measure connect-ability with North Koreans. Interviews with six (6) teachers in civics, ethics, and history, and three (3) curriculum experts as well as textbook analysis corroborated these findings from the student interviews. Cultural psychology and institutional theory provided theoretical frameworks to gam a comprehensive understanding of how cultural elements and institutional resources and conditions helped or hindered these South Korean teenagers' understanding of their relationship with North Koreans and possible reunification. Overall, these findings have policy implications for revising South Korea's education for reunification curriculum to better prepare future generations of one Korea. / 2031-01-02

No description available.

This thesis argues that the North Korean model of government is a unique model that is influenced, to varying degrees, by extreme leftist and rightist doctrines, including Marxism-Leninism, Stalinism, Maoism, fascism, and Nazism; and shares at least some similarities with all these established models. Rather than being a mere political model, the North Korean model is a political religion that incorporates traits of each of the above-noted models with Korean mythology, Confucianism, extreme militarism, and traditional Korean xenophobia, isolation, and fierce nationalism. The resulting system, identified in this thesis as Kimilsungism, combines with North Korea's unique juche ideology of national self-reliance and self-actualization to absolutely subordinate the needs of the citizenry to the will of the state. It further serves to deify the founder of North Korea, Kim Il-sung, and his son — and current ruler — Kim Jong-il, via a pervasive propaganda apparatus and cult of personality that has successfully created an alternate reality that the regime can exploit and manipulate as it sees fit. / Master of Arts

North Korea began its involvement in illicit activities in the 1970s, but it took the United States until the new millennium to develop a series of major law enforcement approaches to counter these activities. North Korea's illicit activities are purportedly the funding input for the development of its nuclear weapons program, which constitutes the output. The main illicit activities to be discussed include drug production and trafficking, the counterfeiting of U.S. currency, cigarettes and pharmaceuticals, missile sales and human trafficking. The United States has aggressively addressed the nuclear threat that North Korea poses, but has been slow to address the inputs that fund the outputs. This thesis seeks to answer the question of why it took the United States over three decades to address the illicit activities of North Korea that purportedly fund its nuclear program. / US Air Force (USAF) author.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. In order to analyze the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the author will take advantage of the constructivist approach and from that view the author will give the three specific issue areas to look at the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, the nuclear weapon program, the possible reunification of two Koreas, the changed leadership in North Korea, respectively. Through these three specific issue areas, we can go tohave a general understanding about what is the People’s Republic of China’s governments’foreign policy towards the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.  The conclusion will be made on the basis of the three specific events and through that we can realize and conclude the standpoints of the People’s Republic of China’s foreign policy on the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Harvard University, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 460-500).

This thesis is primarily an application of the Christian tradition of Just War to the problems arising from the basing of US nuclear weapons in South Korea and the development of nuclear weapons by the regime in the North. The Christian theology of Just War has developed over the last two thousand years, adapting as first Christianity became the state religion of the Roman Empire, through the break down of any enforceable norms in Europe‘s 'Dark Ages‘, to the emergence of the concept of the modern nation state at the end of the Thirty Years Wars in 1648. Throughout these shifts, two issues have remained constant, although their relative weight has changed. First that a war can only be described as 'just' if it is being waged for legitimate reasons, jus ad bellum, and that is waged in a proportionate manner that seeks to separate combatants from non-combatants, jus in bello. Both these ideas were severely weakened in the period of warfare that followed on from the American and French Revolutions at the end of the Eighteenth Century. The new ideology of nationalism brought with it the idea of the nation at arms, the armed citizenry, and with this, a further blurring of the always weak distinction between soldiers and the wider population. By 1945, both the secular and Christian tradition lay in ruins, damaged by the total warfare in the twentieth century when anything and anyone who could contribute to the wider war effort became a target. Also, although not the most destructive weapon, this saw the advent of the nuclear bomb. In response, Christian thinkers sought to redefine the concepts of Just War for a nuclear age, with the potential for the use of weapons that could destroy all of humanity. Some saw this as the lesser evil, when faced with the victory of a totalitarian political system, and others argued that proportionality could be maintained if the size of weapons, or their targeting, was such as to minimise wider damage. On the other hand, many theologians argued that by definition they could never be discriminate or proportionate and that their use (or even the implied threat of their use) would always fail the precepts of Jus in Bello. In the modern Korean context, this debate is not abstract, but has real bearing on the practical steps being taken by all the main parties. The acquisition of nuclear weapons by the North (the DPRK) has meant that the desire for Korean re-unification has become entwined with how best to resolve the nuclear issue. At the moment, in the South amongst the Protestant communities (split between the CCK and the NCCK), this debate has become fixed on issues of practical politics. In effect, is it better to negotiate with the North over the nuclear weapons issue and hope that resolving this will then lead to reunification or is it better to aim to overthrow the DPRK (economically, politically or even militarily) and, this, by definition, would resolve the question of their possession of nuclear weapons. At the moment both the NCCK and the CCK have based their policies towards North Korea (the DPRK) on the basis of secular politics not the teachings of the Christian gospel. The NCCK is tending to overlook human rights abuses in the DPRK, and the threat of that regime‘s nuclear arsenal, in their emphasis on the need to overcome the political division of Korea. In turn, the CCK ignores much Christian teaching with its emphasis on seeking the collapse (perhaps by military means) of the DPRK as a precursor to unification. In this, both bodies seem to have forgotten that they are fundamentally Christian confessional bodies, and as such their public statements should be based on the Gospels, not on the practicalities of day to day politics. Neither approach is particularly grounded on either in the Christian message of the gospels or the Just War tradition. Thus this thesis does not just seek to explore and explain the current situation in Korea using the concepts of Just War, it also seeks to provide a basis on which the Protestant community can resolve their current impasse. This means the thesis is grounded on the Christian concept of political theology, in particular in so far as this approach 'offers alternatives to better comprehend the different postures and approaches towards a solution‘. In the case of the situation in Korea, this means there is no military solution to the problem of unification. Nor can a solution be found in ignoring the human rights abuses in the DPRK. The answer lies in stressing three aspects that remain fundamental to any Christian identity in Korea – of a unified Korean koinoina, that any resort to force must meet the conditions of the Christian Just War tradition, and that, as faith groups, any response must stem from the Gospels.

Jang, Seong Jung EU has been engaged in North Korean affairs since it started humanitarian aid in 1990s. EU has developed institutional grounds for the diplomatic relation and it has implemented foreign policy towards North Korea in the context of Asia strategy. Its approach to North Korea is connected with Neo-liberal thinking. It stressed the international cooperation to resolve the nuclear problem, and utilized political dialogues and international institution to improve the poor human rights in North Korea. It also continued humanitarian aid irrespective of security problem, and offered economic cooperation programs for the economic development of North Korea. However, EU is not in the strong position to affect the security issue in the Korean peninsula due to various causes such as the geopolitical distance. Moreover, EU's economic cooperation programs are often frustrated by the political constraints. Rather, it puts the energy in keeping the position by playing a leading role in the improvement of human rights and continuing humanitarian aid. This policy trend will be continued in the near future. Though there are limited capacity, EU has strengths in part to contribute to the settlement of the North Korean issues with a few reasons. First, EU gains a favorable position to access to North...

The first chapter outlines the history of the Korean peninsula from the period of the first kingdoms until the end of Korean War. Second chapter describes the present situation of the DPRK - its political system, ideology and economy and how it was influenced by its history. Third chapter is devoted to the foreign relations of North Korea with a focus on countries that play a special role. Last chapter focuses on the key factors that could influence the future development of the DPRK.