The United States has been at war with North Korea since 1950, although hostilities have been on hold on the peninsula since July 27, 1953. Despite the cessation of active hostilities, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula increased in recent years when North Korea developed nuclear weapons. Increasing tensions due to nuclear weapons and the frozen state of conflict necessitate a re-evaluation of United States foreign policy on the peninsula to achieve a détente. To date, relations on the Korean peninsula are best described as zero sum. Central to the challenge of achieving détente on the peninsula is the ability to shift actors away from zero-sum behavior to that of positive-sum relationship to achieve gains that foster iterative interactions. As these iterative interactions occur, states extend their view of threats outward and build new reference points for mutual engagement. They become, in the words of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, interdependent. How can the United States shift its relationship with North Korea from one defined by relative gains to one defined by absolute gains? Has the United States or another country effectively transitioned an adversary from a zero- to a positive-sum relationship and what lessons are applicable to relations on the Korean peninsula? / Master of Arts / This analysis builds a theoretical framework for understanding neoliberal institutionalism. Building on past negotiations, the interpretation of these findings aim to assist military and global security scholars and policymakers with findings and recommendations to help find a way forward for the United States to contain the nuclear power of North Korea. We find that, consistent with the theory, leaders on both sides (i.e., Democratic and Communist) have used political, domestic, economic, justice, and security to support their specific theoretical mechanisms. These are all foundational principles for a theoretical approach. This analysis uses a multiple-case study approach and cross-case analysis to understand how the outcomes were reached. We evaluate our theory through Korean history and the careful analysis of two United States and Korean agreements: the 1994 Agreed Framework and multilateral six-party talks/2005 agreement. By determining the outcomes of these two negotiations, we can understand the motivating factors on both sides. Through these case studies analysis of these negotiations, we can help the United States deescalate/rid the current nuclear crisis with one or several hypothetical outcomes.

North Korea is one of the world’s last remaining communist countries. Insistence on self-sufficiency has resulted in the stagnation of its economy and collapse of its transport distribution system. This research project examines how various scenarios for North Korea and the implications of South Korean enterprises’ location decisions affect future transport and logistics developments in North Korea. In the foreseeable future, aside from Chinese companies, South Korean investors will probably be the only companies to invest heavily in the North, driven by political and economic motivations. The objectives of this study are four-fold. Firstly, it analyses the political and economic factors affecting North Korea. Secondly, it appraises the present conditions of transport and logistics infrastructure in North Korea. Next, in order to ascertain the implications of business organisations’ decisions to locate in North Korea, it is imperative to determine the probable scenarios surrounding North Korea due to its unique and reclusive nature. Finally, it identifies the factors that will affect potential investors’ location choices. In order to answer the above research question and objectives, a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods was used. In the absence of reliable data from North Korea, an exploratory study was undertaken with eight experts to gain deeper understanding of the issues surrounding North Korea. The insights gathered, together with the comprehensive literature review led to the development of eight sub-research questions. Next, in-depth qualitative interviews were conducted to help develop scenarios for North Korea. Quantitative surveys were concurrently conducted which engaged SMEs and logistics companies. The findings of the research uncovered new insights. Experts think that the status quo scenario is most likely to continue in the near future unless one of the wildcard situations, such as the death of Kim Jong-il occurs. Investors are likely to invest $1-9 million in North Korea, with Nampo and Sinuiju as probable investment locations. Four main factors will influence the location choices of potential South Korean investors including ‘legal’, ‘political economy’, ‘spatial’ and ‘infrastructure’. Road transport was found to be the choice of mode for both experts and investors and China and South Korea would be the mostly like export destinations for North Korean-made products.

MA, School of Social Sciences, Faculty of Humanities, University of the Witwatersrand / This paper studies the North Korean Six-Party Talks This negotiation concerned the denuclearisation of North Korea. This is the overarching goal of the Six-Party Talks – to get North Korea to denuclearise. However, each party has their own personal objective that they would like to achieve. The paper discusses the negotiation process by looking at the strategies utilised by the members to achieve their outcomes, as well as the intervening variables (culture and environment) that affect the strategy and outcome of talks. However, the goal of this paper is to design a model based on the Six-Party Talks to simulate future negotiated outcomes. The paper does not purport that the Six-Party Talks is successful, as this cannot be claimed until the talks come to a close. What it does argue is that the talks have achieved a measure of success, proven by the achievement of two agreements and its continuance. Therefore, the paper believes that the Six-party negotiation is moving towards success. With that said, the paper examines the applicability of the model by discussing it with regards to the minor case study, Iran. This paper is distributed into six sections. Section One, is the Introduction, it situates the research problem. Section Two and Three, is Chapters One and Two respectively. Chapter obstacles to negotiating. Section Four and Five, is Chapters Three and Four respectively. Chapter Three is dedicated to the main case study the North Korean Six-Party Talks, it looks at the context in which the talks are occurring, as well as the delegates involved and their objectives for the negotiations. It then discusses the strategies used in the negotiation and then depicts the model. Chapter Four focuses on Iran, discussing the context of talks with Iran by the various concerned parties and following this is the discussion of the model with respect to Iranian talks. The Sixth and Final section, Section Six is the Conclusion which draws a close the discussion of the Six-Party Talks. One explores negotiations, from the definition of negotiation to the theories applied in negotiation. While, Chapter Two discusses negotiation strategy, by looking at the styles and tactics used in negotiations, as well as the influence of culture on negotiations and the that began in 2003 and are still ongoing.

North Korea began opening an the path towards warmer international relations policy in early 2018, after making several threats against the United States and a series of missile test launches and nuclear tests. This paper argues that North Korea is warming relations because they identify as a nuclear state. If a country as openly hostile towards the United States as North Korea believes itself a nuclear power, then any diplomatic act is made with the knowledge that North Korea has the ability to attack the United States if anything goes wrong. North Korea knows that the United States would have more reasoning to deal diplomatically with the country instead of aggressively when these actions could risk mutually assured destruction. The paper explores the history of North Korea and their nuclear abilities to see if these actions could be predicted given their past behavior. Next the paper explores international relations on why states cooperate and how nuclear weapons have effected state behavior. Then a variety of case studies of U.S. interactions with new nuclear powers seek to predict how the United States will interact with North Korea as s new nuclear power based off of previous dealings with other emerging nuclear states. The paper concludes that North Korea has the right to claim themselves as a nuclear state and craft agreements under the pretense of nuclear brinkmanship. However, the United States will not likely give up their policy of nonproliferation or easily accept North Korea's status. As a result, in line with both North Korea's own cyclical history of hostility and diplomacy, and realist motivations behind policy, it is unlikely that the current rounds of warming tension between the United States and North Korea will continue.

The thesis examines the adaptive responses of North and South Korea to change in the international system and analyzes the effects on their international standing. The framework of analysis is constructed from a selective review of the literature on hegemony and its relationship to international order and change. Special attention is given to the position of peripheral states, and how they are conditioned by and respond to the international order. The framework of analysis includes concepts such as the structure of opportunities, emulation of forms, imposition of forms, and regime rigidities. It is posited that to the degree to which a regime achieves congruence between domestic and foreign policies and the main trends in the international system, it will be more successful in enhancing its standing. In order to do so, a regime must manage its own adjustment to overcome regime rigidities and exploit opportunities for ascendance in the international system. The thesis examines the competition for international support between North and South Korea between 1948 and 1994. It analyzes the fluctuations in the level of international support for each regime, with reference to key changes in the international system. It produces an explanation for the pattern of international support for each regime, according to the policies they pursued during each distinct period of recent international history. It is shown that North Korea did comparatively well in the first two decades after the Korean War, and that South Korea did comparatively better in the subsequent two decades. This was due to the nature of changes in the international system and the divergent adaptive responses by the two Koreas. Regime rigidities increased in North Korea, while South Korea demonstrated pragmatic flexibility, accompanying its economic diplomacy.

This project examines developments in the field of visual art in the post-Korean War period of national reconstruction in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1953-1960). In particular, I focus on the debates that arise within the emergent genre of Chosŏnhwa, a modernized mode of traditional painting in ink, that address the question of a North Korean mode of socialist realism. Based on editorial articles and round table discussion published in the art journal Chosŏn misul (1957–?) my project traces the dynamic positions held by artists, critics and historians on the relationship between the discourse of (socialist) realism and the role of Korea’s own aesthetic tradition within the development of a new mode of North Korean art in the socialist context. What transpires is a dynamic discourse on what constitutes or should constitute North Korean art in the contemporary era of socialism.

This project examines developments in the field of visual art in the post-Korean War period of national reconstruction in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea (1953-1960). In particular, I focus on the debates that arise within the emergent genre of Chosŏnhwa, a modernized mode of traditional painting in ink, that address the question of a North Korean mode of socialist realism. Based on editorial articles and round table discussion published in the art journal Chosŏn misul (1957–?) my project traces the dynamic positions held by artists, critics and historians on the relationship between the discourse of (socialist) realism and the role of Korea’s own aesthetic tradition within the development of a new mode of North Korean art in the socialist context. What transpires is a dynamic discourse on what constitutes or should constitute North Korean art in the contemporary era of socialism.

Thesis (B.A.)--Haverford College, Dept. of Sociology, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Cincinnati, 1992. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-300).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii, 1999. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-220).