The United States has been at war with North Korea since 1950, although hostilities have been on hold on the peninsula since July 27, 1953. Despite the cessation of active hostilities, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula increased in recent years when North Korea developed nuclear weapons. Increasing tensions due to nuclear weapons and the frozen state of conflict necessitate a re-evaluation of United States foreign policy on the peninsula to achieve a détente. To date, relations on the Korean peninsula are best described as zero sum. Central to the challenge of achieving détente on the peninsula is the ability to shift actors away from zero-sum behavior to that of positive-sum relationship to achieve gains that foster iterative interactions. As these iterative interactions occur, states extend their view of threats outward and build new reference points for mutual engagement. They become, in the words of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, interdependent. How can the United States shift its relationship with North Korea from one defined by relative gains to one defined by absolute gains? Has the United States or another country effectively transitioned an adversary from a zero- to a positive-sum relationship and what lessons are applicable to relations on the Korean peninsula? / Master of Arts / This analysis builds a theoretical framework for understanding neoliberal institutionalism. Building on past negotiations, the interpretation of these findings aim to assist military and global security scholars and policymakers with findings and recommendations to help find a way forward for the United States to contain the nuclear power of North Korea. We find that, consistent with the theory, leaders on both sides (i.e., Democratic and Communist) have used political, domestic, economic, justice, and security to support their specific theoretical mechanisms. These are all foundational principles for a theoretical approach. This analysis uses a multiple-case study approach and cross-case analysis to understand how the outcomes were reached. We evaluate our theory through Korean history and the careful analysis of two United States and Korean agreements: the 1994 Agreed Framework and multilateral six-party talks/2005 agreement. By determining the outcomes of these two negotiations, we can understand the motivating factors on both sides. Through these case studies analysis of these negotiations, we can help the United States deescalate/rid the current nuclear crisis with one or several hypothetical outcomes.

No description available.

<p>The Taiwan issue has been regarded as the most sensitive question between China and the Unites States (U.S.). Although China-U.S. relations have made much progress, the Taiwan question has arrested the concerns of Chinese and American decision-makers for many years. Why is the Taiwan issue so important for the relationship between China and the U.S.? How is the future trend of development of China-U.S.-Taiwan? The different views of the governments in Washington and Beijing on the Taiwan issue, what result could it lead to? This study intends to answer these questions. To analyze this issue, I empirically examine the cases of Nixon’s visit to China in 1972 and Lee Teng-hui’s visit to the United States in 1995. By combining security complextheory and neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism I find that the Taiwan issue influenced the relationship between China and the U.S., and whether the Taiwan issue is settled properly will affect the normal development of China-U.S. relations directly.</p>

The Taiwan issue has been regarded as the most sensitive question between China and the Unites States (U.S.). Although China-U.S. relations have made much progress, the Taiwan question has arrested the concerns of Chinese and American decision-makers for many years. Why is the Taiwan issue so important for the relationship between China and the U.S.? How is the future trend of development of China-U.S.-Taiwan? The different views of the governments in Washington and Beijing on the Taiwan issue, what result could it lead to? This study intends to answer these questions. To analyze this issue, I empirically examine the cases of Nixon’s visit to China in 1972 and Lee Teng-hui’s visit to the United States in 1995. By combining security complextheory and neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism I find that the Taiwan issue influenced the relationship between China and the U.S., and whether the Taiwan issue is settled properly will affect the normal development of China-U.S. relations directly.

This article with the international intellectual property rights regime sets up system for the case example, inquire into nowadays the mainstream theory(Neoliberal institutionalism, Neo- realism) to descend the basic standpoint of the international cooperation to the globalization. Secondly, the concept that the global goverance is gradually producing under the current of the globalization, however the author find that manages the theory concept to mainly build and construct by the foundation of the economic globalization in the global goverance now, it is the train of thought of theory of the Neoliberal institutionalism that the economic globalization is analogous to the degree in accordance with following; And the international regime theory is nowadays the Neoliberal institutionalism , to the main theoretical foundation cooperating in promoting even more. Therefore, this article from the research international regime theory will be a beginning, through examined the operation that the international intellectual property rights regime to explain the possibility of global goverance. Or is the present stage the global goverance theory only is the hegemony country union mainstream theory ideology implements another kind of form ruling.

i Abstract Liberalism encompasses many disciplines. Individual freedom, free-market capitalism, republican form of government, and rule of law are considered to be among its main pillars. The Thesis illustrates an original analysis of three partial "liberal" theories of International Relations (IR) - referred to as "approaches" because of their interdisciplinarity - and their main scholars' considerations vis-à-vis important selected elements of global politics, with peace as the general background. The three analyzed approaches are Economic Liberalism, Democratic Peace Theory, and Democratic Realism. Keeping into account their differences, traditions, and purposes, the approaches are operationalized through five subchapters - institutions, free-market, international law, conflict intervention, and nationalism - to prove their compatibility, non-contradiction, and possible juxtaposition vis-à-vis these features. Despite some "empirical differences", while looking at the selected-IR issues, the approaches have "common threads", and this is visible when the three frameworks and their top-selected scholars are confronted with the elements. After a general introduction on liberalism, a definition of peace in IR, and a quick overview of Peace Studies, the three approaches are presented in their theoretical...

<p>The Thesis analyzes the effecvtiveness of international environmental regimes. A case study of four of the most important river regimes in Germany - the Commissions for the Protection of the Rhine (ICPR), Elbe (ICPE), Oder (ICPO) and Lake Constance (IGKB)- was conducted. The first part of the thesis explains the theoretical foundation the thesis rests upon. Neoliberal Institutionalism was the chosen theory, accompanied by aspects of regime and game theory. A definition of effectiveness was generated, taking into account a legal, a historical and a political perspective. The Thesis is a qualitative case study, which uses mainly sources from books, essays, newspapers and few in-depth interviews with people inside the Commissions. In the second part the International Commissions are analyzed. In the end the findings are compared to find out what constitutes an effective regime. All four regimes have made an significant impact though. An effective regime is - according to the findings of this thesis - characterized by different factors: a small number of actors, a strong legal basis for the daily work routines, similar background of the member states, favorable national conditions.</p>

The Thesis analyzes the effecvtiveness of international environmental regimes. A case study of four of the most important river regimes in Germany - the Commissions for the Protection of the Rhine (ICPR), Elbe (ICPE), Oder (ICPO) and Lake Constance (IGKB)- was conducted. The first part of the thesis explains the theoretical foundation the thesis rests upon. Neoliberal Institutionalism was the chosen theory, accompanied by aspects of regime and game theory. A definition of effectiveness was generated, taking into account a legal, a historical and a political perspective. The Thesis is a qualitative case study, which uses mainly sources from books, essays, newspapers and few in-depth interviews with people inside the Commissions. In the second part the International Commissions are analyzed. In the end the findings are compared to find out what constitutes an effective regime. All four regimes have made an significant impact though. An effective regime is - according to the findings of this thesis - characterized by different factors: a small number of actors, a strong legal basis for the daily work routines, similar background of the member states, favorable national conditions.

NATO has provided security for the Western Hemisphere for more than half a century now and there is little doubt that it is one of the most successful security alliances the world has ever known. However, after the end of the Cold War, its future become increasingly uncertain, thus leaving space for other another security actor: the EU. During the last two decades, the EU became more active in security matters and even launched its own, first ever anti-piracy and peacekeeping operations, despite a strong NATO presence in the same areas, at the same time. We will take a step back from these specific cases and approach the question of: To what extent, if any, has the EU developed into a security actor which is similar NATO? This question has been approached by constructing a deductive mixed methods study of a longitudinal design, in which we have compared the security regimes of the EU and NATO, and the military expenditures of the two organisations. The results of this study were that: the EU has, in fact, developed into a security actor, but it aligns more closely with the neoliberal institutionalist notion of a security institution.

Il existe actuellement des différends frontaliers entre les États circumpolaires-Nord qui entravent la bonne gouvernance de la région. Afin d'identifier des pistes de solution pour améliorer la gouvernance en Arctique et faciliter la coopération, nous analysons le processus qui a mené, à l'autre pôle, à la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique de 1959. Nous utilisons une approche néolibérale institutionnelle comme cadre théorique ainsi qu’une méthodologie basée sur le traçage de processus. Nous avons identifié quatre variables (les intérêts des États, le contexte politique, le leadership, et l’Année géophysique internationale [AGI]) que nous avons étudiés au cours de trois périodes historiques et dont l’évolution a contribué à la formation du régime antarctique. Les étapes menant à l'élaboration d'un régime identifié dans la théorie institutionnaliste dynamique de Frischmann s'appliquent aux différentes périodes que nous avons déterminées. La première période historique correspond à l'identification du problème d'interdépendance. Les États ont d’abord tenté d’assouvir leurs intérêts particuliers envers le continent antarctique par l’intermédiaire de stratégies individuelles. Le statut imprécis du continent antarctique caractérisé par des revendications territoriales conflictuelles, la volonté des superpuissances d’effectuer d’éventuelles revendications territoriales et le leadership exercé par les États-Unis ont toutefois permis de faire évoluer les États vers des stratégies coopératives. La deuxième période historique correspond à l'étape de la négociation de l’entente. Le leadership d’un groupe de scientifiques et des États-Unis ainsi que le contexte politique de la Guerre froide ont favorisé la cohésion des États intéressés par les affaires antarctiques et leur investissement dans une coopération multilatérale souple dans le cadre d’un événement ponctuel, l’AGI. La troisième période correspond à la mise en oeuvre de l’entente, soit l’AGI. Lors de cet événement, une entente tacite, un engagement d’honneur, qui suspendait les considérations territoriales en Antarctique, a été respectée par les parties. La coopération dans le cadre de l’AGI s’est avérée un succès. Les États se sont montrés satisfaits des gains que comportait la coopération scientifique dans un environnement pacifique. L’AGI a permis aux États d’expérimenter la coopération multilatérale et d’observer le comportement des autres participants au sein de l’institution. En raison de la satisfaction des États vis-à-vis la coopération dans le cadre de l'entente souple, l'élaboration du traité de 1959 a été facilitée. Notre étude nous a permis d’identifier des éléments clefs qui ont favorisé la formation du régime antarctique et qui pourraient servir d’inspiration pour l'élaboration de futurs régimes. La présence d’un leadership tout au long du processus a permis de promouvoir les avantages de la coopération sous différentes formes et de renforcer les relations entre les États présents dans les affaires antarctiques. La réalisation d'une entente souple dans le cadre de l'AGI, centrée autour des intérêts communs aux parties, comprenant un engagement d’honneur, permettant de mettre de côté les points de discorde, ont aussi été des points centraux dans la réussite et la poursuite de la coopération au-delà de l’AGI. Cette approche graduelle allant du droit souple vers le droit contraignant est sans aucun doute l’élément le plus important ayant facilité le rapprochement des différentes parties et éventuellement la création du Traité sur l’Antarctique. / There are currently border disputes between North circumpolar states that impede the good governance of the region. In order to identify possible solutions for improving the governance in the Arctic and to facilitate cooperation, we analyze the process that, at the other pole, led to the creation of the 1959 Antarctic Treaty. We use a neoliberal institutional approach as a theoretical framework and a methodology based on the process tracing. We identified four variables (states' interests, the political context, leadership, and the International Geophysical Year [IGY]) that we studied through three historical periods and whose evolution has contributed to elaborating the Antarctic regime. The steps leading to the development of a regime, identified in Frischmann’s dynamic institutionalism theory, apply to the three periods that we have identified. The first historical period corresponds to identifying an interdependency problem. States first tried to satisfy their particular interests pertaining to the Antarctic continent through individual strategies. The unclear status of the Antarctic continent characterized by conflicting claims, the will of the superpowers to potentially make territorial claims, and the leadership of the United States, however, facilitate the states to move to more cooperative strategies. The second historical period corresponds to negotiating the agreement. The leadership of a group of scientists and the United States in addition to the political context of the Cold War facilitated the cohesion of states interested in Antarctic affairs and their investment in a soft multilateral cooperation, the IGY. The third period corresponds to implementing the agreement, that is IGY. During this event, the parties have respected a tacit agreement, a gentlemen’s agreement, which suspended territorial considerations in Antarctica. The cooperation during the IGY proved to be a success. States were satisfied with their gains from the scientific cooperation in a peaceful environment. The IGY has allowed states to experiment multilateral cooperation and to observe the behavior of other participants within the institution. Due to the satisfaction of the states vis-à-vis the cooperation, the development of the 1959 Treaty was facilitated. Through our study, we identified key elements that led to the creation of the Antarctic regime and could serve as an inspiration for the development of future regime. The continuous of leadership throughout the process helped to promote the benefits of cooperation and to strengthen relations between the states involved in Antarctic affairs. The accomplishment of a soft agreement, during the IGY, centered around the parties common interests, and of a gentlemen’s agreement, which put aside divisive issues were also central points in the success and the extension of the coopération after the IGY. This gradual approach from soft law to hard law is undoubtedly the most important element that facilitated the cohesion of parties and the creation of the Antarctic Treaty.