M.A. (Communication). / Please refer to full text to view abstract

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This thesis deals with the ten years preceding Namibia's independence in March 1990. It examines the various characters and groups in this process, and how their roles delayed or promoted it. The era of Pieter W. Botha is very significant in that his rule brought many changes to the decision-making process and content of South African foreign policy. This period, 1978 - 1989, marked the formulation of the Total National Strategy in response to the Total Onslaught being waged on South Africa by perceived hostile external forces. Namibia's transition to independence suffered under this military-oriented policy as did the rest of the region. Never before in South Africa's policy-making history had the security sector played such a major role. Regional relations changed subsequent to the policy changes because of the distorted vision the Botha regime had of black-ruled states. Namibia was seen as an important pawn in the Total National Strategy as the last buffer state in Southern Africa protecting South Africa's white minority regime

This thesis analyses the different levels at which China’s presence in Namibia affects Namibia’s domestic politics and foreign policy from a constructivist viewpoint. Constructivist theory is used to examine the different perceptions of the Chinese in Namibia and how these inform Namibian politics and Sino-Namibian relations. These perceptions are formed at different levels of society in formal and informal relations, state-to-state, state-to-business,business-to-business and individual-to-group relations. The way in which perceptions of Chinese involvement in Namibia at the grassroots level of society differ from those at the top increasingly has an effect on domestic Namibian politics and, as such, Sino-Namibian relations. This identifies official and non-official perceptions of China’s political, economic and social presence to determine the effects of grassroots on China vis-à-vis official perceptions in Namibian politics and the effects of grassroots views on Namibian politics and on official views and state behaviour towards China and China’s presence in the country.

Bibliography: pages 372-383. / This dissertation constitutes a study of all issues relevant to South West Africa/Namibian independence, from 1915 to June 1983. The method employed is primarily of a descriptive, historical and analytical nature, which brings together in a concise study a variety of primary research materials, particularly with extensive use of newspaper resources. Due to the limited available material on South West Africa/ Namibia, it was necessary to rely upon these journalistic sources to a large extent. It was, therefore, necessary to assume that: 1. newspaper references are correct and valid, and that articles by relevant authorities and political figures are a true expression of the writers' political beliefs; 2. that in terms of books, journals and other published materials in relation to South West Africa/Namibia, the facts have been accurately researched and verified, and 3. that personal conversations with relevant authorities are genuine as to the thoughts expressed. A number of hypotheses are put forward: 1. that independence will come about as the result of a process of negotiation and not because of military victory or defeat; 2. that the South West Africa People's Organisation is bound to be part of any true settlement; 3. that this organisation cannot claim to be the 'sole authentic representative' of the Territory's population, and, 4. as a result of this, there is a definite need for the accommodation of other internal parties in a genuine settlement as well.

This study is about foreign policy-making in Namibia from independence, 1990 to 2008, which is based on Liberalism as an approach to the study of International Relations. Namibia’s foreign policy has three main themes, namely the promotion of world peace, economic diplomacy and South-South cooperation. The domestic actors of Namibia’s foreign policy are the President, Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Government Ministries. Former President Nujoma is pragmatic and persuasive, while President Pohamba maintains a reserved approach. Other domestic actors such as the Parliament, opposition parties and civil society organisations have not been effective in influencing Namibia’s foreign policy-making. Although Namibia is a small state her foreign policy is successful contrary to the traditional perspectives of small states’ foreign policies. Namibia has played an active role in regional and international organisations and maintained a wider scope of foreign policy. Namibia has 24 diplomatic Missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and America. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)

Thesis MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2006. / Namibian independence was much delayed: it took place during the last years of decolonisation in Africa, at the end of the Cold War, and during the final phases of the third wave of democracy. SWAPO prevailed in the first hotly contested elections. We all thought that the institutions of democracy were in place and that Namibia was going to lead the way for the new wave of consolidated democracies in Africa. Inclusiveness, using the classic terminology from Robert Dahl, was there to a significant degree, a “one-man-one-vote” –system was finally achieved.

This study is about foreign policy-making in Namibia from independence, 1990 to 2008, which is based on Liberalism as an approach to the study of International Relations. Namibia’s foreign policy has three main themes, namely the promotion of world peace, economic diplomacy and South-South cooperation. The domestic actors of Namibia’s foreign policy are the President, Minister of Foreign Affairs and other Government Ministries. Former President Nujoma is pragmatic and persuasive, while President Pohamba maintains a reserved approach. Other domestic actors such as the Parliament, opposition parties and civil society organisations have not been effective in influencing Namibia’s foreign policy-making. Although Namibia is a small state her foreign policy is successful contrary to the traditional perspectives of small states’ foreign policies. Namibia has played an active role in regional and international organisations and maintained a wider scope of foreign policy. Namibia has 24 diplomatic Missions in Africa, Asia, Europe and America. / Political Sciences / M.A. (International politics)

The thesis focuses upon the final reintegration of Walvis Bay and its twelve Penguin/Off-Shore Islands into Namibia. As Namibia's only deep water port, it escaped reintegration in 1989 when the United Nations Security Council Resolution (UNSCR) 435 (1978) was implemented. Hence the study argues that the exclusion of Walvis Bay from the Settlement Plan falls outside the parameters of various UNSC and UN General Assembly Resolutions, viz 385 and 432 of 1976 respectively. Such an arrangement has to be looked at as Pretoria's non-compliance with the above resolutions. South Africa got away with such an arrangement with the blessing of the Western Contact Group of Nations, i.e the United States; Britain; (former West) Germany; France and Canada. The argument advances further to capture the sudden emergence of Walvis Bay as a dispute between the National Party regime and the African National Congress (ANC) in particular. The dispute came about when the National Party submitted a controversial constitutional proposal during South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park. They were proposing Walvis Bay to constitute part of the new Western Cape province in the postapartheid South Africa. Namibia's diplomacy paid off when the return of Walvis Bay was agreed upon as it became entangled in the constitutional talks for South Africa's transition to democracy at Kempton Park in 1993-1994.