Philosophiae Doctor - PhD / The problem investigated in this study centres around two theological trends in the Dutch Reformed Church (henceforth DRC) during the period 1905-1974, namely, on the one hand, the theology of apartheid (resulting in Ras, volk en nasie en volkereverhoudinge in die lig van die Skrif(1974)), and on the other, the so-called "critical voice" in the DRC represented in the work of Ben J Marais and CF Beyers Naudé. The emphasis is on this period because it was during this period when the theological train of thought - which was initially dominant in the DRC - was repressed by a theological trend that played a significant role in die development and establishment of the theology of apartheid. In order to identify the different points of difference between the two trends, the emphasis is initially on the development and establishment of a philosophy of apartheid on the one hand and the critical voices against a theology of apartheid as represented by Marais and Naudé. The first part deals with the development in the theology of apartheid. In this first part the emphasis is on the role played by the DRC in the development of the theology of apartheid. The research will show how pragmatic / contextual factors initially played a role in the development of apartheidrelated thinking and how this thinking became theologically and ideologically legitimised in the next phase. The emphasis will fall on the role played by socio-economic and cultural political circumstances at the onset of the development of pragmatic thinking pertaining to apartheid. Subsequently the emphasis is on the next phase in the development of the theology of apartheid when apartheid was justified dogmatically/ ideologically and from the Scriptures. In this part of the thesis the emphasis is on the roles played by particular theological trends played within the DRC resulting in a shift in theological thought. The reception of these theological trends in the 1920s and 1930s within the DRC will also be examined and will show how they were eventually merged into a reformed orthodoxy, which would replace the evangelical reformed trend as the dominant one in the church. The role played by this reformed orthodoxy in the development of a theology of apartheid in the DRC will also be analysed. In the latter part of this chapter the merging ofthe pragmatic and dogmatic thinking within the DRC will be discussed. The result of this merger is set out in the DRC's Ras, volk en nasie en volkereverhoudinge in die lig van die Skrif published in 1974. Since this policy document provides a systematic summation of the theology of apartheid as it developed between 1905 and 1974, this document will form the basis of an investigation into the development and establishment of a theology of apartheid. This part of the study is essential because it provides the specific context in which the critical voice against apartheid could function. This research deals in particular with the major points of difference between apartheid thinking in the DRC on the one hand and the critical voice against it. A complete analysis of the critical voice against the theology of apartheid within the DRC is undertaken and since this research focuses on a specific form of criticism, it is necessary to look at the origin and development of that voice. The researcher will indicate to what extent this critical voice had its origin in the Old and New Testament and how it continued throughout the history of the church and was later identified in several sectors of South African society - namely in the political, economical and church sectors. The critical voice within the ecumenical movements in South Africa, the voices within the DRC family and in particular the critical voice against apartheid within the DRC will form the gist of this investigation. Other researchers have identified critical voices within the ranks of the DRC, but the emphasis in this doctoral thesis is on the criticism already expressed earlier on by Ben Marais and Beyers Naudé. The question that arises from this relates to the differences and similarities in the thinking of the apartheid theologians and the critical voices of Marais and Naudé. What makes this problematic is the fact that the parties have so much in common. During their childhoods they grew up with the same Afrikaner values of religion, culture and politics; they receive their primary and secondary education in Afrikaner schools that affirmed these values. They studied at the same university (the University of Stellenbosch) where their theological thinking was shaped in the same cultural, political and religious climate. In the School of Theology they were exposed to the same teachers and theological trends. This issue will be examined in Chapters 4 and 5 where these mutual influences will be examined respectively in the case of Marais (Chapter 4) and Naudé (Chapter 5). Their years of serving in the DRC will also be analysed. In the final instance Marais' position as professor will also be scrutinised, whereas Naudé's role in the ecumenical movement will also be looked at. The question that needs to be clarified is: How did these two figures, who represent the critical voice of reason, consciously or unconsciously, comprehend the differences in opinion between them and that of the theology of apartheid within the DRC? In the next chapter the major difference between the critical voice of Marais and Naudé respectively and that of the apartheid theologians will be identified and analysed. The documented analysis regarding the pragmaticI contextual and theological/ideological legitimising of apartheid in the DRC, the critical voice against apartheid, as well as the criticism of Marais and Naudé against apartheid thinking in the DRC will be examined in order to identify and describe such difference. A hermeneutic approach will be used to identify and analyse the differences between the two groups and to be in conjunction with theologians in the DRC. In this part of the investigation the following differences of opinion between the apartheid theologians and the critical voices of Marais and Naudé will be discussed: • The presence or absence of a historical and hermeneutic awareness; • The presence or absence of a hermeneutics of suspicion; • The different ways in which an analysis of the changing social context was made; • The differences in the selection of texts from the Scriptures used to contemplate the Christian message within their specific contexts; • The influence of the different theological traditions and the views of those concerned on the different stances taken; • The role of "interpretation" as the integration of all these variables. To summarise: Firstly, an analysis of the development of pragmatic and dogmatic ideas and practices of racial apartheid (Chapter 2). Secondly, an analysis of the critical voice - its origin, the role played by it within the Christian tradition and in particular that of Ben J Marais and C F Beyers Naudé within the DRC (Chapters 3-5). Thirdly, the results of this analysis are used to identify and describe hermeneutically the differences between the apartheid thinkers and the critical voices of the anti-apartheid thinkers exemplified by the criticism of Marais and Naudé.

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)

Text in Afrikaans / Die doel met hierdie studie is om te bepaal of daar 'n verband is tussen die aktivering van die middelpuntsoekende en middelpuntvliedende kragte van nasionalisme enersyds en andersyds die tegnieke van demokrasie in die hedendaagse staat. In die ondersoek na so 'n verband, is die nasie beskou as 'n versameling individue wat in terme van 'n bepaalde identiteit assosieer ten einde 'n stel belange te realiseer. Belange wat uitgesonder word is: selfidentiteit, die noodsaaklikheid om met ander mense te kan assosieer, selfdeterminasie as 'n motiverende krag in menslike gedrag, en die persepsie dat die vermoe bestaan om belange te kan realiseer. Die spanning tussen die selfdeterminerende aard van die menslike natuur enersyds, en andersyds die onvermydelike groepkonteks van die mens, word in hierdie studie beklemtoon. Ten einde hierdie spanning te minimiseer, sal die individu die eise van die groep (in hierdie konteks die nasie), as sy eie internaliseer. Ten einde 'n selfdeterminerende individu midde in die nasie te bly, word die selfdeterminasie van die nasie belangrik. Selfdeterminasie word verder beskou, as 'n belangrike kenmerk van liberale demokrasie. Ongelukkig is die groepkonteks en die spanning tussen die belange van die individu enersyds en andersyds die eise van die samelewing weer eens onvermydelik. Verskeie tegnieke van demokrasie word evalueer in terme van hul sukses om die selfdeterminasie van die individu en die realisering van sy belange te verseker. Daar is bevind dat geen tegniek 'n waarborg in hierdie verband kan bied nie. In die studie is bevind dat negatiewe persepsies oor selfdeterminasie en belangerealisering in die algemeen, die middelpuntvliedende kragte in die staat kan aktiveer. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie kan inderdaad die bron van negatiewe persepsies wees. Verder is bevind dat indien hierdie negatiewe persepsies saamval met etniese en/of regionale subidentiteite in die staat, hulle aanleiding kan gee tot rebelse nasionalisme. Die verskillende tegnieke van demokrasie verleen dikwels die meganismes waardeur hierdie subidentiteite georganiseer en gemobiliseer kan word. / The purpose of this study is to determine whether there is a relationship between the activation of the centripetal and the centrifugal powers of nationalism, on the one hand and on the other hand, the techniques of democracy in the contemporary state. In researching this relationship, the nation is regarded as a collection of individuals who associate in terms of a particular identity in order to realise a set of interests. Interests that are singled out in this study are: self-identity, the need to associate with fellow human beings, self-determination as a motivational force in human behaviour, and the perception of being able to realise particular interests. The tension between the self-determining nature of human beings, on the one hand and the inevitable group context of human beings, on the other hand, is stressed in this study. In order to minimize this tension, the individual will internalize the demands of the group (in this context the nation) as his own. Thus for the individual to remain a self-determining human being within the nation, the self-determination ofthe nation becomes important. It is further pointed out that self-determination of the individual is an important feature of liberal democracy. Unfortunately the group context and the tension between the interests of the individual on the one hand and the demands of society on the other hand, are also inevitable. Various techniques of democracy are evaluated in order to determine their success in safe-guarding the selfdetermination of the individual and the realization of his interests in general. It is pointed out that no technique can in fact provide a guarantee in this regard. In the study it was found that negative perceptions regarding self-determination and the realization of interests in general, may activate the centrifugal powers within the state. The various techniques of democracy may indeed be the source of these negative perceptions. It was furthermore found that when these negative perceptions coincide with ethnic and regional subidentities, they may give rise to rebellious nationalisms. The various techniques of democracy often provide the mechanisms through which these subidentities could be organized and mobilized. / Political Sciences / D.Litt. et Phil. (Staatsleer)