Thesis (M.A.)--Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1992. / Vita. Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 256-266). Also available via the Internet.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Duke University, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references.

Modernization theory hypothesizes that ethnicity and ethnic activism will diffuse and dissipate following industrialization because in industrial economies class will replace ethnicity as the basis for individual and group identity. However, the persistence of ethnic activism, including autonomist and separatist movements in Western European countries. challenges the validity of that hypothesis. Equally significant, many attempts, historical and contemporary, to suppress ethnicity and ethnic activism have failed. Neither class consciousness nor nationalist consciousness has transcended or displaced ethnic and regional identity. Such is the case for Spain. This study attempts to show that suppressive action by the state, not change in the economy, is the independent variable that explains contemporary ethnicity and ethnic activism. Suppressive action is defined as any policy, repression, or other activity by the state aimed at suppressing ethnic identity and autonomy. / Master of Arts

The subject of research of this presented diploma thesis is the evaluation of the factors that influence the genesis of nationalist aspirations and separatist tendencies on two scale levels: the level of Spanish Autonomous Communities, and between comarcas in the Basque Country and Catalonia. Emphasis is placed primarily on the differentiation between the influence of economic aspirations and ethno-national identity. On the theoretical level, the thesis discusses approaches to nationalism, its typology, resources and activation, as well as the development of social organization and the asymmetrical division of powers in Spain. For the purposes of analysis, two indicators of intensity of expressed nationalism are used - constitutional preference and voting behavior - and then each are tested in relation to socio-economic characteristics, ethno-cultural manifestations, or relevant demographic characteristics. The thesis also evaluates the system of set fiscal redistribution between regions and central government.

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Gibraltar is the only dependent territory in Europe. Although it is a small area, Gibraltar mixes different factors that together form the so-called question of Gibraltar. Gibraltar belongs to the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. It is a colony, which, however, has considerable autonomy. The process of gaining greater autonomy for the region began after the Second World War. The Gibraltar national consciousness was largely shaped by defining out against London and especially to Madrid. In this thesis I examine a process of the national consciousness from the point of view of the theories of secession. I consider the question why does the desire for independence have not yet led to an independent state? Why is Gibraltar still in alliance with the British royal crown? The research is devoted to Gibraltar and nationalism from the point of view of the Gibraltarians. Who are they? Do they see themselves as a nation? How do they justify their conviction? And are they satisfied with the existing constitutional order in Gibraltar? Using the theories of secession I conclude that the Gibraltar nation have developed to a distinctive nation. Autonomy granted to him permits decision-making in most areas. The Gibraltarians do not aspire to the independence and secession from the United...

In this thesis I ask whether food can be used to express Catalan national identity, and if so, in what ways this occurs. In doing so, I consider the lived realities of nationalist movements, rather than simply the ideas and political claims that inform such movements. The Catalan Autonomous Community in northeast Spain is an ideal place to research this issue, due to the strengthening of nationalist sentiments there in light of the rise in support for independence from Spain. I wished to see whether this had any effect on the connections between food and national identity (or gastronationalism). National identity and food are connected in many diverse and varied ways. Food culture allows us to reflect on national identity as a whole. Themes which commonly appear in nationalist discourse, such as cultural specificity, historicism, or landscape (to name but a few), also inform discussions of national food identity. In the present case, while other markers of identity (e.g. language) are also important, ideals of Catalan nationalism may take the guise of Catalan gastronationalism as well. The current pro-independence movement has had the effect of making Catalans more aware of their cultural symbols, including cuisine, which is now one of many such symbols that can be mobilized for the expression of national identity.

This study examines the debates on nationalism, terrorism and conflict resolution, and intends to identify, on the one hand, the reasons why and the instances in which nationalist discourses usurp the notions of political violence and present it as a legitimate option for opposing a State, and on the other, whether there exist circumstances where conflict resolution techniques and approaches can be useful in isolating terrorist discourses from the nationalist ones, without necessarily criminalising the latter. The study employs a critical and discourse analysis approach to explaining ethno-nationalist and terrorist phenomena, arguing that a contextualisation of the nationalist and terrorist objects of study is necessary in order to comprehensively analyse the relationship between the two, and the instances where the former gives rise to the latter. The purpose of the study is to develop a theoretical framework for the understanding of nationalism and terrorism as interconnected practices, and looks into ways in which conflict resolution can intervene and prevent the infusion of the two. In order to test this framework, the thesis examines the Basque conflict and discusses how the discriminatory practices of the Francoist dictatorship towards the Basques played a catalytic role in their acceptance of violence as a legitimate vehicle of pursuit of the nationalist aim of independence, and how the radicalisation of counter-terrorist practices after the democratic transition further distanced the civil society from both the State and the militant group. The study analyses the role of the Basque civil society, and how it became the primary actor in the transformation of the conflict by rejecting violent practices from both the State and ETA, while at the same time promoting a more civic aspect of the Basque nationalist discourse. This attitude allows the thesis to conclude that, contrary to theories of conflict resolution, the State can combat terrorism most effectively when it allies with civil society in the alteration of perceptions that perpetuate violence, but instead favour a strictly political approach to the pursuit of political objectives, like self-determination.

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