In my thesis I will pursue the ideological foundations of the Frankfurt School, a significant social philosophical group of the 20th century. Marxist and psychoanalytic basis will be reflected in conjunction with a critical theory of society and a phenomenon of culture industry. The purpose of this work is to present influences which formed a theoretical work of the Frankfurt School, its research in a modern society and a contribution to the so-called commodification of culture and art related to the expansion of mass culture.

Makala hii inachanganua wahusika na dhana kuu zinazosawiriwa katika riwaya ya Kiza Katika Nuru (1988) ya Said Ahmed Mohamed kwa kuzingatia mihimili ya mojawapo ya mikabala ya Umarxi Mpya, mkabala wa mwanafalsafa na mwananadharia kutoka Marekani ya Kilatini, Paulo Freire. Kiini cha mkabala huu wa umarxi-mpya ni kukosoa na kutupilia mbali mitazamo kuhusu elimu inayomnyima mwanafunzi fursa ya kujifunza kutokana na mazingira yake. Uchambuzi huu unabainisha jinsi Umarxi Mpya wa Kifreire unavyofaa kwa kuchambua riwaya ya Kiza Katika Nuru, na riwaya nyingine za Kiswahili zinazofanana nayo. / This article analyses characters and main concepts in Said Ahmed Mohamed’s novel Kiza katika Nuru (Darkness in Light) through applying tenets of one of the Neo-Marxist theories, namely the Freirean one. Paul Freire’s Neo-Marxist theory is primarily associated with the Latin American environment and centres around the debunking of the banking concept education as a modus operand of revolution. This analysis demonstrates how Freirean Neo-Marxism is relevant and appropriate to the understanding and interpretation of Kiza Katika Nuru and other Kiswahili novels that are similar to it.

The study explores, through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the existence of Mode 2 knowledge and programmes in the South African higher education sector. It begins by theorising about knowledge and takes as a point of departure the propositions about theory-building which state that to explain social phenomena, a system of ideas is required, the conceptual tools of which are able to explain the essential dynamics of such phenomena. It goes on to describe a crisis in a system of ideas that, together with valid critiques, demands to be re-examined as well as the potential for advancing alternative lines of thought. A critical reading and understanding of existing theories leads me to believe that independently, they are all inadequate to explain the relationship between knowledge production and South African higher education in an era of globalisation. This includes the all-encompassing framework of neo-Marxism, the excessive consumerism of academic capitalism, the equation of the worker with modern technology in post-industrialism and the`lax relativity', complacent and, indiscriminate celebration of diversity in post-modernism. By combining the `culturally sensitive' critical post-modernism of William Tierney and George Subotzky with the concept of `late capitalism' as proposed by Frederic Jameson, it is possible to establish a relationship between globalisation and South African higher education on the one hand, and between its' policy and knowledge production on the other. Against the features of the newly proffered theoretical framework of `critical postmodernism in late capitalism', the study examines the new higher education policy and legislation and ensuing discourse, with particular reference to the Gibbons thesis. It then explores, by using an empirical investigation, the extent to which Mode 2 knowledge production exists in South African higher education. This is done through a selected programme from a former technikon in that demonstrates the key assumptions and perceptions about Mode 2 as held by lecturing staff and as embedded in the structure, design and content of the programme. With the results obtained the study finally makes recommendations for the establishment of a paradigm-shift and for new practices in knowledge production in higher education in South Africa. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

The investigation contributes to a broader understanding of the hegemonic role of teacher organisations and their relation to the dominant structures in society. It also contributes to educational theory since it extends the traditional assertion of an individual teacher who acts as an agent of capitalism and who serves to foster the interests of the State, to teachers who operate through an organisation which becomes more powerful in articulating this hegemony. The historic evidence shows that for much of the period under investigation these teacher organisations have either endorsed, or else have failed to challenge in significant ways, the use of education by the State to ramify the ideology and practice of apartheid. In addition these organisations have had no power to compel action from political and educational authorities. Decades of compliance with State policy, or unwillingness to forcefully articulate the obvious injustices of that policy, have inevitably led to a position whereby established teacher bodies became inward looking. Ultimately, these teacher bodies could not offer a fundamental critique of the apartheid education system and therefore could not empower their members to transform society as they worked within a structural-functional and liberal framework. However, the research also shows that teachers as a collective group became capable of resisting dominant ideologies, especially during the post-1984 period. Progressive teacher organisations, fuelled by the labour movement and African nationalism convicted many conservative teacher bodies to eschew ethnicity and agitate for a unified, democratic non-racial, non-sexist State with a single Ministry of Education. This period saw an escalation in the struggles of resistance by teacher organisations against a newly established Tri-cameral parliamentary system. These empowered members effectively resisted the increasing bureaucratisation and political interference in education through which the State sought to control teachers. The study offers a new way of perceiving teacher organisations as they become involved in long term struggles of transformation which incorporates the reconstruction of a post-apartheid society. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (History of Education)

The study explores, through a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the existence of Mode 2 knowledge and programmes in the South African higher education sector. It begins by theorising about knowledge and takes as a point of departure the propositions about theory-building which state that to explain social phenomena, a system of ideas is required, the conceptual tools of which are able to explain the essential dynamics of such phenomena. It goes on to describe a crisis in a system of ideas that, together with valid critiques, demands to be re-examined as well as the potential for advancing alternative lines of thought. A critical reading and understanding of existing theories leads me to believe that independently, they are all inadequate to explain the relationship between knowledge production and South African higher education in an era of globalisation. This includes the all-encompassing framework of neo-Marxism, the excessive consumerism of academic capitalism, the equation of the worker with modern technology in post-industrialism and the`lax relativity', complacent and, indiscriminate celebration of diversity in post-modernism. By combining the `culturally sensitive' critical post-modernism of William Tierney and George Subotzky with the concept of `late capitalism' as proposed by Frederic Jameson, it is possible to establish a relationship between globalisation and South African higher education on the one hand, and between its' policy and knowledge production on the other. Against the features of the newly proffered theoretical framework of `critical postmodernism in late capitalism', the study examines the new higher education policy and legislation and ensuing discourse, with particular reference to the Gibbons thesis. It then explores, by using an empirical investigation, the extent to which Mode 2 knowledge production exists in South African higher education. This is done through a selected programme from a former technikon in that demonstrates the key assumptions and perceptions about Mode 2 as held by lecturing staff and as embedded in the structure, design and content of the programme. With the results obtained the study finally makes recommendations for the establishment of a paradigm-shift and for new practices in knowledge production in higher education in South Africa. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (Comparative Education)

The investigation contributes to a broader understanding of the hegemonic role of teacher organisations and their relation to the dominant structures in society. It also contributes to educational theory since it extends the traditional assertion of an individual teacher who acts as an agent of capitalism and who serves to foster the interests of the State, to teachers who operate through an organisation which becomes more powerful in articulating this hegemony. The historic evidence shows that for much of the period under investigation these teacher organisations have either endorsed, or else have failed to challenge in significant ways, the use of education by the State to ramify the ideology and practice of apartheid. In addition these organisations have had no power to compel action from political and educational authorities. Decades of compliance with State policy, or unwillingness to forcefully articulate the obvious injustices of that policy, have inevitably led to a position whereby established teacher bodies became inward looking. Ultimately, these teacher bodies could not offer a fundamental critique of the apartheid education system and therefore could not empower their members to transform society as they worked within a structural-functional and liberal framework. However, the research also shows that teachers as a collective group became capable of resisting dominant ideologies, especially during the post-1984 period. Progressive teacher organisations, fuelled by the labour movement and African nationalism convicted many conservative teacher bodies to eschew ethnicity and agitate for a unified, democratic non-racial, non-sexist State with a single Ministry of Education. This period saw an escalation in the struggles of resistance by teacher organisations against a newly established Tri-cameral parliamentary system. These empowered members effectively resisted the increasing bureaucratisation and political interference in education through which the State sought to control teachers. The study offers a new way of perceiving teacher organisations as they become involved in long term struggles of transformation which incorporates the reconstruction of a post-apartheid society. / Educational Studies / D. Ed. (History of Education)

Submitted by Rafael Santana (rafael.silvasantana@ufpe.br) on 2017-04-10T18:45:23Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) CARLO BENITO Dissertação.pdf: 1352708 bytes, checksum: 72e2db16b5803eaabeed49288dacbfdb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-04-10T18:45:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) CARLO BENITO Dissertação.pdf: 1352708 bytes, checksum: 72e2db16b5803eaabeed49288dacbfdb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-08-04 / CAPES / O presente estudo tem como objetivo demonstrar o poder dos trabalhadores do conhecimento e a sua capacidade de reconstruir o movimento sindical tal como em sua origem, ou seja, verdadeiramente emancipatório e contra-hegemônico. As lutas coletivas nos últimos séculos tornaram-se meramente reivindicativas, especialmente com o advento do estado do bem-estar social. A revolução informacional subverteu o paradigma capitalista fordista, e nesse cenário surgiram novos atores que protagonizam o jogo de forças entre o capital e o trabalho. A luta de classes baseada no sindicalismo de caráter obreirista não responde mais aos anseios dos trabalhadores da sociedade pós-fordista, que deverá se adaptar ao novo contexto social para reestabelecer a sua força. Para tanto, o movimento sindical deve agregar não só os trabalhadores do conhecimento, como também o proletariado, os desempregados, não empregáveis atingidos pelo desemprego estrutural, autônomos, bem como os sem teto e os sem terra, enfim, toda a classe-que-vive-do-trabalho.Demonstra também, a partir das evidências empíricas e analíticas produzidas pela Teoria Social Crítica, o impacto do desenvolvimento tecnológico nas relações individuais e coletivas de trabalho, e a ascensão do trabalho imaterial, a condição de mola propulsora da sociedade contemporânea. Para se afastar das ambivalências contidas nas propostas da doutrina clássica, aponta para o resgate do movimento sindical libertário, emancipatório e contra-hegemônico em escala supranacional, o que deve ser potencializado pelo uso das novas tecnologias da informação e comunicação. / The present study aims to demonstrate the explosive power of knowledge workers and their ability to rebuild the labor movement as in its origin, ie, truly emancipatory and counter hegemonic. The collective struggles in recent centuries have become merely protest, especially with the advent of the welfare state. Thus capitalism tamed the rights of social movements ensuring minimum. The information revolution overthrew the capitalist fordist paradigm, and new actors have emerged in this scenario who play the game of power between capital and labor.Class struggle unionism based on the character of workers, no longer responds to the desires of the workers of the post-fordist, which must adapt to new social context to restore his strength. Thus, the trade union movement should not only add knowledge workers, as well as the proletariat, the unemployed, unemployable affected by structural unemployment, autonomous, and the homeless and landless, finally, the whole class-that-lives-of-work.It also shows, from the evidence produced by empirical and analytical critical social theory the impact of technological development in the relations of individual and collective work, and the rise of immaterial labor springboard for the condition of contemporary society. Move away from ambiguities in the proposals of the classical doctrine, points to the rescue of the union movement liberating, emancipatory and counter-hegemonic supranational scale, which should be enhanced by use of new information technologies and communication.