本文以明初官定程朱理學讀本《四書五經性理大全》的成書和思想反應為中心，旨在探討朱子學在14、15世紀流衍、官學化乃至自我更新的過程。作為士人參加科舉考試的必讀之書，《四書五經性理大全》原則上締造著明代士人的思維結構乃至行事方式，成為他們為學從政的依據和根基。全文主要分為三個部份：第一部份重點討論此書萌生於14世紀的主要學術背景，指出它是在元代浙江、江西、徽州三地朱子學並競發展的多元化局面中醞釀而生的。第二部份首先檢討了明初洪武、永樂兩朝帝王一脈相承卻又有不同的理學取態。同樣尊信理學可以幫助治國，太祖樂於以務實態度來修正和完善朱子學並顯現出他淩駕於道統的情形，而明成祖則將程朱理學視作其政權合法性的依據進而操縱了儒家道統，《大全》正是在明初政治文化微妙而重大轉變中應運而生的。本文接著考察了《大全》的編纂、取材與影響，從中指出編纂地選在北京對成祖遷都部署的配合作用，並分析《大全》內容取材的地域特色，及此特色所受敕撰要求、書籍流通、人事安排等因素的影響；統計其刊行情況以證實《大全》地位在有明一代從未被動搖，在晚明乃至成為商業出版中有利可圖的公共文化資源的情形。本文第三部份重點以15世紀持續出現的多種《大全》反應性著作為分析對象，從中觀察《大全》被作為舉業的讀本、行道的載體、救正時弊乃至變革士人思想的必由取徑，而在地方學官、著名儒者以及土木之變後學者型官員中引發的激烈迴響和對其批評、質疑、修正的相應行動。透過這些討論，本文期望檢討14世紀朱子後學的多元化發展與並競局面、明初帝王的理學取態對於明初理學的官學化進程的實際影響，以及15世紀的菁英士大夫如何運用“統一“後的理學學說來應對現實危機與朱子學發展困境等議題。 / This dissertation studies the formation of and intellectual responses to the Sishu Wujing Xingli Daquan( Great Compendia of the Four Books, Five Classics and Human Nature and Heavenly Principle), which were compiled in the Yongle period (1403-1424), in the context of the spreading and self renewal of Zhu Xi’s philosophical school in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. As must-read books for the imperial examinations, the Compendia affected Ming scholars’ mode of thinking and their way of doing things. They also formed the basis of their classical learning and political participation. / The study begins with an analysis of the intellectual background of the Compendia in the fourteenth century. It points out that there were three types of development and competition patterns of Yüan Neo-Confucianism in Zhejiang, Jiangxi and Huizhou. / The research then reviews the important changes of attitude from the Hongwu emperor to the Yongle emperor towards Neo-Confucianism. Although both emperors believed that Neo-Confucianism could help them better govern the country, the Hongwu emperor was keen to see revisions of Zhu Xi’s classical exegesis. To meet his realistic needs he even ignored the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. The Yongle emperor, however, used Neo-Confucianism as the basis of his political legitimacy and thus manipulated the Neo-Confucian orthodoxy. / This study also discusses the process of compilation, selection of material and Ming editions of the Compendia. It finds that the whole set was compiled in Beijing to parallel the policy of moving the capital from Nanjing to Beijing. It points out that the Compendia are mainly based on the works written by Yüan scholars from Huizhou prefecture, and for a number of reasons: requirement of the Yongle emperor, good circulation of books or classical commentary in late Yüan and early Ming Huizhou area, and arrangement of the editorial personnel. Finally, I analyze the editions of the Compendia published throughout the Ming dynasty to show the reception of them and to confirm its popularity in commercial publishing in the late Ming period. / By focusing on the views of scholars in the fifteenth Century who wrote their books in response to the Compendia, I show how school teachers, Confucian thinkers, and scholar-officials after the Tu-mu incident of 1449 saw the Compendia as teaching materials, vehicle for driving daoxue learning, a way to solve the problems of their times, but also subjected them to criticism, questioning and revision. / This then reveals the influence of the state-sanctioned Cheng-Zhu of Neo-Confucianism and its decline in the course of 14th and 15th centuries. The challenges the school faced in the 15th century formed the background of the marked shift to another approach of Confucian learning in the next century best represented by Wang Yangming. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 朱冶. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 275-293). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Zhu Ye. / 目錄 --- p.1 / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.5 / Chapter 一、 --- 元代朱子學研究的回顧與展望 --- p.6 / Chapter 二、 --- 明初政治文化與《大全》研究 --- p.11 / Chapter 三、 --- 十五世紀思想史的研究路向 --- p.16 / Chapter 四、 --- 論文結構 --- p.19 / Chapter 第二章 --- 多元並競：元代南方三地朱子學的推廣與認受 --- p.21 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學術譜系的建構與強化以金華吳師道為例 --- p.22 / Chapter 一、 --- 鄉里傳統：“金華四先生“的成立 --- p.22 / Chapter 二、 --- 師友淵源：吳師道與“金華四先生“之一許謙的交往 --- p.25 / Chapter 三、 --- 求助於官：吳師道推廣金華學術的努力 --- p.31 / Chapter 四、 --- “獨得其宗：吳師道對金華學統的強烈自認 --- p.36 / Chapter 第二節 --- 學問自得與道統傳遞以江西虞集為中心 --- p.41 / Chapter 一、 --- 期為“豪傑“：虞集之師吳澄的學術面向與道學承創 --- p.42 / Chapter 二、 --- 文名之外：虞集的理學身份與學問趨向 --- p.51 / Chapter 三、 --- 誰是正學？：虞集拒絶撰寫許謙墓銘的由來及其相關問題 --- p.57 / Chapter 第三節 --- 一宗朱子與著述傳道以新安汪克寬等人為例 --- p.66 / Chapter 一、 --- 羽翼與纂釋：新安朱子學的特色及其影響 --- p.66 / Chapter 二、 --- 挫折與執著：汪克寬的為學、著述及與虞集的學術分野 --- p.80 / Chapter 三、 --- 反思與開新：朱升各經《旁注》的撰作及用意 --- p.87 / 小結 --- p.96 / Chapter 第三章 --- 君師治教：明初洪武、永樂兩朝對待宋元理學的取態 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 學以輔政：太祖敕修《書傳會選》的用意及影響 --- p.99 / Chapter 一、 --- 太祖修訂蔡《傳》的背景及用意 --- p.100 / Chapter 二、 --- 《書傳會選》的編纂及內容特色 --- p.107 / Chapter 三、 --- 《書傳會選》的有限影響：以永樂二年的廷試對策為中心 --- p.111 / Chapter 第二節 --- 道治天下：成祖治國理念的演進以《聖學心法》為中心 --- p.114 / Chapter 一、 --- 學在皇家：成祖與帝王教育 --- p.115 / Chapter 二、 --- 治平有道：成祖與《聖學心法》 --- p.116 / Chapter 三、 --- 道在六經：成祖與三部《大全》 --- p.135 / 小結 --- p.145 / Chapter 第四章 --- 垂世立教：《大全》的編纂、取材及其流傳 --- p.147 / Chapter 第一節 --- 纂修地點與編修人員、分工特色 --- p.147 / Chapter 一、 --- 北京：纂修地的安排及用意 --- p.147 / Chapter 二、 --- 人員任用與分工 --- p.151 / Chapter 第二節 --- 《四書五經大全》的內容取材及成因 --- p.161 / Chapter 一、 --- 《大全》的體例、性質與取材的關係 --- p.163 / Chapter 二、 --- 《大全》所選書籍在明初的影響 --- p.165 / Chapter 三、 --- 人事因素與《大全》取材 --- p.172 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《大全》在明代的刊行與流傳 --- p.174 / Chapter 一、 --- 刊行歷史概說 --- p.175 / Chapter 二、 --- 校訂本 --- p.176 / Chapter 三、 --- 增補本、合刊本 --- p.177 / 小結 --- p.178 / Chapter 第五章 --- 十五世紀士人對《大全》的反應及其意義 --- p.181 / Chapter 第一節 --- 地方學官：最初的反應 --- p.181 / Chapter 一、 --- 摘取切要：彭勗及其《書傳大全通釋》 --- p.182 / Chapter 二、 --- “不可泥也：陳璲等人之意見 --- p.185 / Chapter 第二節 --- 儒者的取態：薛瑄及其《讀書錄》 --- p.187 / Chapter 一、 --- 《性理大全》：《讀書錄》的主要閱讀對象 --- p.187 / Chapter 二、 --- 《讀書錄》對《四書五經大全》的具體意見 --- p.190 / Chapter 第三節 --- “一道德與“經世：十五世紀中後期學者型官員對《大全》的修正 --- p.195 / Chapter 一、 --- 理事之道：楊守陳及其《私抄》 --- p.197 / Chapter 二、 --- 經世面向：周洪謨及其《疑辨錄》 --- p.206 / Chapter 三、 --- 以心考之：王恕及其《石渠意見》 --- p.226 / Chapter 四、 --- 輔翼之書：蔡清及其《蒙引》諸書 --- p.235 / 小結 --- p.259 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.261 / Chapter 附錄一： --- 《四書五經性理大全》的明代版本 --- p.266 / 參考文獻 --- p.275

By reconstructing his lecture activities, I found and discussed the conflicts and debates Li had with other philosophical schools of his times. In so doing, I also discussed the interaction between Li's learning and the philosophical traditions of places where he taught, for example, his difference with the traditions of the Zhu Xi school in Fujian. What emerged is that Li was a strong and unyielding philosopher who was able to give theoretical coherence to his disciples but failed to spread his teachings into established schools of thought. / From the case of Li Cai, this dissertation finds that three elements were common and crucial to the founding of a new philosophical school in middle and late Ming times---a doctrine couched in some terse expressions, expressions deriving from the Great Learning as key terms of the doctrine, and organized lecture activities. The dissertation also argues that it was the fundamental notions of achieving learning by oneself (zide) and transmission of the orthodox Way (daotong) that drove the creation of original arguments and "discussion of learning" activities in the late Ming. Li Cai worked himself to distinction amid this practice of the time by formulating his own doctrine on ethics. His emphasis on "cultivation of the person" is a deliberate counteraction to the "extension of innate knowledge" of Wang Yangming, whose school by Li's time had much indulged in the liberation of the individual to the neglect of social norms. Engaging himself as a teacher, Li Cai also cast himself as a rival to Wang Yangming. He considered his endeavor as an act of transmitting the Way and his doctrine as providing true insights into the teaching of Confucianism. More precisely, he considered his zhixiu doctrine a loyal representation of the teachings of Confucius and his great disciple Zeng Shen. / Li talked about his zhi-xiu doctrine everywhere he went. He advanced this doctrine by means of establishing academies (shuyuan), publishing his own works, organizing discussions and debates, lecturing to large audiences, and engaging in philosophical exchanges through correspondence with his discussants. He engaged himself in activities like these when he was director of a bureau in the minister of War, an assistant surveillance commissioner in Guangdong, and an administrative vice commissioner in charge of military affairs in the southwestern border region of the Ming empire. He lost no enthusiasm in championing his doctrine even when he was an exile in Fujian province for more than ten years. / The study begins with an analysis of the Daxue (Great Learning) , the most important Neo-Confucian classic in late imperial times, which exists in a large number of versions since Northern Song times. I first analyze the most cited versions, identifying especially the differences between Zhu Xi's orthodox version and the so-called Old Text derived from the classic Record of Rites. The latter version gained ascendance from the late fifteenth century when Wang Yangming's school strongly advocated it. / This dissertation studies a well-known, but not yet well studied, statesman and philosopher of the sixteenth century, Li Cai, and his relationship to the building of philosophical schools in the world of Ming Confucianism. It hopes to throw lights on the study of Ming intellectual communities as well as on the general intellectual history of late imperial China. / To distinguish himself from both Zhu Xi and Wang Yangming, Li Cai provided a new version of the Great Learning by rearranging the texts of the Old Text and Zhu Xi's version as well as the text in the Shijing daxue (Stone Classics Great Learning), which is a forgery but acclaimed by many scholars of the time. Li Cai formulated his own philosophical doctrine from this new version and summed it up with the term zhixiu, which stands for the word zhi and the word xiu, respectively, which in turn are abbreviations of the phrases zhi yu zhishan (abiding by the supreme good) and xiushen (cultivation of the person), phrases that denote key notions in the Great Learning. He theorized that zhi refers to the substance and xiu refers to the practice of his doctrine. In actuality, he takes zhi to mean focusing on nourishing the mind and xiu to mean self-examination and watchfulness in the cultivation of the self. / 劉勇. / Adviser: Chu Hung-Lam. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 70-06, Section: A, page: 2187. / Thesis (doctoral)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 362-389). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Liu Yong.