本論文以守勢現實主義的論點，觀察中共建構「中美新型大國關係」的相關作為，證明中共自冷戰後期以來，是以尋求防禦為主的國家。同時，近年中共領導人提出中美新型大國關係的倡議，符合以「溝通合作」和「維持現況」為主的守勢現實主義論述，以應對美國重返亞太政策，並藉此消除「中國威脅論」與「修昔底德陷阱」的疑慮，為中共創造出安全的國家發展空間。 針對守勢現實主義的論述，本論文設訂「溝通合作」、「維持現況」與「威脅平衡」三個項目，作為驗證中共對美外交政策的指標。同時，分別針對「中美軍事交流」、「南海問題」與「臺灣問題」三個熱點案例予以探討，以中共具體的作為加以驗證。最終發現依據守勢現實主義的觀點，可由先前設定的三個指標，來解釋中共現行推動「中美新型大國關係」的相關作為，符合守勢現實主義的論點。 最後，本文得到的結論是：一、中共推動中美新型大國關係可避免安全困境的發生。二、中共建構中美新型大國關係訴求維持現況的局面。三、中美新型大國關係下的臺灣問題易邊緣化。四、中美新型大國關係下的兩軍關係是未來發展重點。 / This dissertation, based on the arguments of defensive realism, observes China's efforts to construct "a new type of great power relations between China and the United States," and proves that China has been seeking a defense-oriented country since the end of the Cold War. In recent years, the Chinese leaders proposed the new type of great power relations between China and the United States, defensive realism based on "communication and cooperation" and "maintaining the status quo" in response to the United States policy of returning to the Asia-Pacific region and thereby eliminating the "China threat theory" and " Thucydides trap "suspicions for China to create a safe space for national development. In view of defensive realism, this article sets three items of "communication and cooperation", "maintaining the status quo" and "threat balance" as the indicators to verify China's foreign policy toward the United States. Three cases of "Sino-US military exchange", "South China Sea issue" and "Taiwan issue" were explored. Finally, according to the viewpoint of defensive realism, the three indicators set beforehand can be used to explain the relevant current China's efforts to promote the " new type of great power relations ," and to conform to defensive realism. Finally, the conclusion of this article is: First, China's promotion of the relations between the new type of great powers can avoid the security dilemma. Second, the new-type relations between China and the United States appeal to maintain the status quo. Third, the Taiwan issue under the relations between the new big powers of China and the United States is easily marginalized. Fourth, the relations between the two armies under the relations between the new great powers of China and the United States are the focus of future development.

自從習近平在「莊園會晤」時向歐巴馬提出，中美共同建立新型大國關係，中共在亞太地區已經是掩蓋不住大國崛起的態勢。此時的平壤早已察覺到大國的壓力，面對中美關係日趨緊密，北韓為維持政權延續以及從中獲取利益，盡其所能提高在中美大國競爭時的籌碼，尤其是在東北亞各國政權更替時，施展戰略邊緣政策。 美國藉由北韓核試爆議題，成功部署軍事規劃、高舉國際輿論的大旗，迫使中共不得不對北韓施以必要措施。對於北韓不斷的舉行核試爆與導彈試射，中共在維護其重要國家利益與面對美國再平衡戰略的考量下，轉而借力使力，運用北韓核議題的持續發酵，得以延長應對美國及國際壓力。 因此，整個東北亞的關係結構，就是有關各國在中共與美國之間，取得對自己最大利益的位置。 / Xi Jinping proposed to Obama in the "Ennenberg Estate” summit in California during June 2013, Beijing has aftermath tried every effort to establish a “New Type of Great Power Relations” with Washington. China rise has been an obvious trend in the Asia-Pacific region. In this critical moment, Pyongyang has been aware of the pressure of big powers, in the face of China and the United States increasingly conciliatory relationship. In order to stabilize the North Korean regime and continue to take advantage of power politics in this area, North Korea tries to facilitate its bargaining gravity within the Sino-American interaction when they seek to use Pyongyang to counterbalance against each other. Particularly North Korea tends to exert its caliber of brinkmanship policy while it notices that the East Asian area is in the process of regime reshuffles. . Against the backdrop of North Korea's threat of continuing nuclear tests, Washington successfully accomplished military deployment and dominate direction of world public opinion in forcing China to impose the necessary measures on North Korea. For North Korea's ongoing nuclear test and missile test, China intends to manipulate its advantage based on its national interest. In the meantime, China implements this policy to counterweight the US “Rebalancing” strategy. Beijing goes to use the issue of North Korean nuclear development to further exert its strategy in responding to the pressures from both the United States and international community. Therefore, the international structure in the Northeast Asia, therefore, is that the concerning countries are seeking for their maximize advantage in the Sino-U.S. strategic engagement.