Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1965. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (6 leaf at end).

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 283-316).

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1994. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

This dissertation comprises an investigation into the conditions and contemporary implications of an historical event, the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) insurrection of 1971. At the broadest level, it revisits the insurrection and its aftermaths to reframe the contemporary question of emergency in Sri Lanka. This dissertation poses emergency, a defining feature of Sri Lanka's postcolonial experience, as a problem native to the emergence of democracy in Sri Lanka. It resituates emergency rule and the concept of necessity which subtends it on the terrain of the secularizing political rationality, which has constituted the emancipatory raison d'etre of the postcolonial state. The visibility of this rationality has been obscured by liberal constitutionalism's ideological narrative of Sri Lankan constitutional history, and I recover and explore the anticolonial, nationalist contexts of its formation, first in the demand for a constitutional bill of rights, then in the movement toward constitutional autochthony, and finally in the creation of the sovereign republic in 1972. I show how this political rationality incorporates certain secular-political assumptions, fundamental to the colonial inauguration of democracy in Sri Lanka. One such assumption is that democracy is a matter of naturally occurring majorities and minorities, and that the political rights of minorities are best addressed through the concession of constitutional protections or safeguards, rather than any more generative solution at the level of political representation. I suggest this finding should cause us to radically revise the normative ethical-political coordinates which implicitly orient a greater part of the social scientific study of Sri Lanka. That conventional question has revolved around the transgression of secular norms by the force of ethnicity and nationalism, and hence much work has taken up the challenge of deconstructing and explaining the cultural force of Sinhala nationalist ideology. My dissertation asks that we set aside this problematic and instead foreground the question of the secular inheritances of the state as the target of our critical strategies.

Thesis--Toulouse, 1914. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [227]-232).

Thesis, Toulouse, 1914. / Bibliography: p.[227]-232.

The dissertation examines recognition of new states, the practice historically employed to regulate membership in international society. The last fifteen years have witnessed novel or reinvigorated demands for statehood in many areas of the world. The claims of some, like those of Bosnia and Herzegovina, Eritrea, Croatia, Moldova, Georgia or East Timor, achieved recognition; those of others, like Kosovo, Krajina, Bouganville, Abkhazia, Somaliland or Chechnya, did not. However, even as most of these claims gave rise to serious conflicts, the practice has elicited little systematic scholarly reflection. Drawing upon writings of international society theorists, the dissertation looks at the criteria that have guided recognition of new states. It charts the practice from the late eighteenth century until the present. Its central finding is that state recognition has always been tied to the idea of self-determination of peoples and not, as is conventionally assumed, only since the end of the First World War. State recognition can be said to have (1) emerged as a coherent practice in response to this idea and (2) evolved chiefly as a result of the continuous necessity to come to terms with the dilemmas presented by this idea. Two versions of the idea have guided the practice - selfdetermination as a natural and as a positive right. The former, dominant from the 1820s to the 1950s, took as the standard for acknowledgment the achievement of de facto statehood by a people desiring independence. The latter, prevalent since the 1950s, took as the basis of recognition a positive right to independence in international law. The development of self-determination as a positive right, however, has not led to a disappearance of claims of statehood that stand outside of its confines. Groups that feel unhappy within the states they belong to have continued to make demands for independence irrespective of the fact that they may not have an international right to it. The study concludes by expressing doubt that contemporary international society can find a sustainable basis for recognition of new states other than de facto statehood. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis (MA (Political Science))--University of Stellenbosch, 2009. / This thesis is a theoretical contribution to the debate about statehood in Sub-Saharan Africa. My primary aims have been to interrogate the use of the state concept on the continent, and to open up new theoretical avenues to analyse the state. My starting point has been that the state is a key to solving socio-economic challenges. Yet the social theory that purports to make sense of the state in Africa is poor. Mainstream scholars use prefixes such as ‘failed’, ‘weak’ and ‘quasi’ to make sense of existing African states. If they call for such labels, it is only because an unhelpful ideal type based on the ‘modern’ European state is postulated. Such scholarship is limited to theorising the distance between the ideal type and real states. This approach gives a functionalist account of the state’s relationship with society and economy, but fails to explain the state as a historical product and expression of the distribution of power between social groups. As an alternative way to theorise states, I propose a synthesis between Robert W. Cox and Mahmood Mamdani. Combining Mamdani’s and Cox’s theoretical frameworks avoids the problems that arise when Eurocentric International Relations (IR) theories are applied to an African context. The synthesis adds to both frameworks by addressing a shortcoming in Cox by paying more attention to power struggles in the periphery, and redresses the exclusive focus on Africa in Mamdani. Adding Cox to Mamdani contextualises Mamdani’s African state in space as well as time, whereas adding Mamdani to Cox shows how African states respond to outside pressures and in the process (re)constitute the world order by adding an inside-out pressure. I use a single case study of the Angolan state to illustrate how a Coxian / Mamdanian synthesis contributes to the debate. This theoretical framework turns the attention to four aspects. First, there is a close historical link between the economic structure and the form of the state in the country, from the slave trade to today’s political economy of oil. Second, I look at the attempts of the Angolan state elite to legitimise its own power. I posit that in the context of social destitution and poverty, strategies to sustain consent based rule assumes particular importance. Third, the Angolan state is an expression of internal powers struggles between social groups in the country. The contemporary balance of power is volatile: recent economic growth has the potential of unsettling old power structures, as the relative balance of who has access to economic power changes. Lastly, the world order supports the current structure of power in Angola, largely thanks to the political economy of oil. Oil gives the Angolan regime ample economic resources, as well as crucial support from oil companies and the states that import the oil. This foreign support underwrites the regime and constitutes an important element in its support base

La politique européenne de voisinage (PEV) est née de la volonté de développer un espace de prospérité et de stabilité aux frontières de l’Union élargie. Elle vise à renforcer la coopération politique, sécuritaire, économique et culturelle entre l’UE et ses nouveaux voisins immédiats ou proches, tout en atténuant le caractère séparatif des frontières européennes en engageant les pays voisins dans une coopération mutuellement avantageuse avec l’UE. La thèse étudie le volet oriental de la PEV qui couvre des Etats de l’Est (Ukraine, Biélorussie, Russie). Ces pays occupent aujourd’hui une place croissante dans la stratégie internationale de l’UE. L’adhésion des nouveaux pays membres de l’Europe centrale en 2004 a apporté une nouvelle fragilité, tout en créant un fort groupe de pression qui demandait un engagement direct de l’Union européenne dans les affaires concernant don voisinage immédiat. Disposant d’une parfaite connaissance de la situation économique de cette région et d’une grande expérience de coopération avec la Biélorussie, la Russie et l’Ukraine, ces pays cherchaient à orienter la politique étrangère de la Communauté vers de nouvelles voies d’actions. L’objectif de recherche concerne l’évaluation globale du rôle et de la contribution des nouveaux pays membres, et plus particulièrement de la Pologne, dans l’élaboration commune de la politique orientale de l’Union européenne dans les années 2004-2007. / The European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was developed in order to insure a zone of stability and prosperity on the borders of the European Union (EU). It aims at strengthening political, economic, cultural, and security cooperation between the EU and its neighbours. Its objective is to engage neighbouring States into a mutually beneficial cooperation with the EU. The present doctorate thesis focuses on the Eastern dimension of the ENP which includes Eastern States like Ukraine, Belarus and Russia. These countries have an important role to play in the EU international straetegy. New Eastern European countries adhering in 2004 brought in a new frailty yet creating a strong pressure group asking for a strong commitment of the EU in matters related to immediate neighbourhood. Those countries are thoroughly aware of the economic situation of the region and have a wide experience cooperating with Belarus, Russia and Ukraine; they sought to have an influence on the Community's foreign affairs policy by means of new paths of action. The aim of this research concerns the global evaluation of the new Members States' - and Poland's in particular - part in and the contribution to jointly elaborating the Eastern European Union's eastern policy for the years 2004-2007.