This dissertation investigates print media reporting on the Jacob Zuma case to establish levels of bias, if any, in reporting such a high profile political case. The study is premised on the concept of social construction of reality where values and preferences could colour the perception of facts. The use of both ethnographic and quantitative content analysis allowed for the systematic investigation of the content of newspaper articles while the use of discourse analysis highlighted the importance of language use in the social construction of reality. Under apartheid the media was critical of government both ideologically and morally. The print media had a liberal democratic ethos and generally defended the underdog. This has been carried over into the democratic dispensation. The implication of the Deputy President of the country and the brother of the Secretary of the Arms Procurement Committee in corruption hit the nerve of the press, hence the vigilant reporting on the case. The media generally painted a picture of Zuma as a corrupt man not fit to be in public office with his implication in corruption being perceived as a threat to the country's democratic ethos. The view was that this undermined democratic principles of equality, justice and accountability. On the contrary COSATU, SACP and the ANCYL mobilised the public in support of Zuma arguing that the charges were instituted by vindictive opponents who wanted to destroy Zuma's political career. The NPA's conduct during the case including its failure to provide Zuma with a final indictment in over a year arguing that it was not prepared to continue with the case thus seeking a postponement - gave credence to the conspiracy theorists. At the end, the NP A conceded the conspiracy theory on the representation made by Zuma following leaked conversations between National Prosecuting Authority (NP A) boss Leonard McCarthy and former National Director of Public Prosecutions, Bulelani Ngcuka. This in essence brought a non-conclusive end to the saga as the allegations and the defence therefore could not be tested in a court of law. / Thesis (M.A.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Durban, 2011.

Afrikaans text / In die perswese van Suid-Afrika het Die Burger gedurende die dertiger- en veertigerjare ’n besondere plek beklee. A1 was dit nie ’n koerant met reusesirkulasiesyfers nie, is dit gerespekteer omdat dit onder meer ’n besonder bevoegde redaksie en bestuurspan gehad het. Die wyse waarop hy sy direkte teenstander, Die Suiderstem, in die stof laat byt het, lewer bewys van Die Burger se krag en invloed, veral in sy hinterland. Die Burger en die Nasionale Party van Kaapland se noue verbintenis het tot gevolg gehad dat hulle ’n gedugte span gevorm het. Die verbintenis, wat wedersydse voordele ingehou het, is grootliks versterk deur D.F. Malan se betrokkenheid by Die Burger. Die rol wat die twee redakteurs A.L. Geyer en PJA. Weber in die tydperk 1934 tot 1948 gespeel het, moet as van kardinale belang beskou word. Veral die persoonlike ondersteuning wat hulle aan D.F. Malan gegee het in sy opbou van die Nasionale Party in die jare 1934 - 1948, het ’n deurslaggewende uitwerking op die Suid-Afrikaanse politieke geskiedenis gehad. Die rol wat Die Burger gedurende die koalisietydperk en daarna tydens samesmelting gespeel het, asook sy besonder noue verbintenis met sy lesers, het die koerant veral in Kaapland ’n baie belangrike politieke faktor gemaak. Dit het aan hom ook ’n besondere posisie van mag binne die Nasionale Party van Suid- Afrika laat inneem. Hierin het Geyer as redakteur, maar veral in sy persoonlike hoedanigheid, ’n groot rol gespeel. Die Burger se jarelange bydrae as kultuurbouer van die Afrikaanssprekendes het meegewerk dat die koerant as mede-skepper van die Nasionale Party se apartheidsfilosofie opgetree het. Die filosofie is beskou as die enigste wyse waarop die Afrikaanssprekende se kulturele en politieke regte beskerm en bestendig kon word. As praktiese instrument het dit veral ná 1939 ook meegehelp om die Nasionale Party aan bewind te bring in 1948. Die koerant het J.C. Smuts en die Verenigde Party gereeld aangeval en op alle gebiede aan die kaak probeer stel. Veral gedurende en na die Tweede Wereldoorlog het die koerant die Smuts-bewind as ’n onbevoegde regering aan sy lesers voorgehou, 'en het sekerlik sukses daarmee behaal. / During the nineteen thirties and forties the Afrikaans newspaper Die Burger occupied a prominent place within the ambience of the South African press. Without reaching large circulation figures, it achieved recognition and respect because - apart from other reasons - it commanded the skills of a very competent editorial staff and management team. The way in which it effectively ousted its main rival Die Suiderstem, is testimony of its power and influence, particularly in its hinterland. The close association between Die Burger and the Cape National Party represented a formidable joining of forces. This relationship, entailing mutual advantages, was sustained significantly by the involvement of Dr. D.F. Malan with Die Burger. Of cardinal importance also was the part played by two editors, A.L. Geyer and P.A. Weber, in the period 1934 to 1948. Their personal support of Dr. Malan in establishing and consolidating the National Party during the years 1934 to 1948 had a decisive influence on South African political history. The role assumed by Die Burger in the period of Coalition and Fusion, as well as the close bond it had established with its readership, made it a potent political force, particularly in the Cape Province. At the same time it gained for itself an important position of power within the National Party of South Africa. In all of this Geyer was a central figure - officially as editor, but more particularly also in a personal capacity. Die Burger's efforts over the years in advancing the cultural cause of Afrikaners led the paper to become a co-founder of the National Party's philosophy of apartheid. The implementation of this ideology was regarded as the only way in which the cultural and political rights of Afrikaners could be safeguarded and maintained. After 1939 the paper proved instrumental in bringing the National Party to power in the election of 1948. It regularly attacked General J.C. Smuts and his United Party on a wide political front, pointing out their shortcomings in various areas. Especially during and immediately after World War II it severely criticized the Smuts government for being incompetent, and it undoubtedly achieved political success with this strategy. / History / D. Litt. et Phil.

M.A. (Communication Studies) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

The Press in Transition adopts a comparative approach to transitional print institutions worldwide. It is based on some 150 interviews and archival research on four continents, over a decade of unprecedented global transformation and upheaval. The dissertation seeks to fill a serious gap in the existing literature on democratization and political transition. Theoretical chapters advance a comparative model of press functioning (Chapter 1) and a more tentative model of transitional media, with a strong focus on the mainstream press (Chapter 6). The bulk of the work consists of four case-studies, each drawn from a different geographical region (indeed, continent) and a markedly different "type" of liberalization or transition process. The case of Nicaragua (Chapter 2) stands out somewhat. It concentrates almost exclusively on a single newspaper, Barricada, the former official organ of the Sandinista Front. The newspaper's transformations in the 1990s are, however, set against the backdrop of Barricades history since 1979, intra-Sandinista politics during and after the revolutionary era, and the more general interplay of media and politics in Nicaragua. The remaining three case-studies (South Africa, Jordan, and Russia: Chaps. 3-5) combine system-level analysis with micro-level portraits of transitional institutions and individuals. The core of the theoretical analysis lies in a delineation of "mobilizing" and "professional" imperatives. The former I attach mainly to sponsors and managers of media institutions; the latter mainly - not exclusively or universally — to the editorial side of the operation. The interplay of these variables I see as integral to an understanding of events at the case-study newspapers. The opening theoretical chapter situates mobilizing and professional imperatives as both dependent and independent variables. I argue that they reflect and respond to variables like underdevelopment, authoritarianism, and pre-existing media culture. But they also serve as founts of important and interesting initiatives, whether professional, political, or commercial. Significantly, too, they regularly conflict. The dissertation struggles to avoid heroicizing, but it also tries to show that tensions and upheavals — both small-scale and radically transformative - tend to derive from the clash of mobilizing and professional priorities. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

Thesis ((M. A. (Media Studies)) --University of Limpopo, 2018 / This is a comparative study on the coverage of the consumption of nyaope in two South African tabloid newspapers, namely the Sowetan and the Daily Sun. The study examines how the tabloids understudy reported on the consumption of the street drug; nyaope, by determining the frequency and nature of news reports, assessing the quality of the news reports and comparing the news reporting styles adopted by both newspapers. The research report draws from media effects theoretical propositions, namely the agenda setting and framing theories. Detailed literature review on tabloids and coverage of illicit drugs particularly nyaope is discussed in this study. The study adopted quantitative-qualitative as the research approach through the use of descriptive design. In addition, data were collected through quantitative-qualitative content analysis. The study used the check list as a method of collecting data. Subsequently, Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis (IPA) was adopted for the data analysis process. The study noted that the quality of any tabloid newspaper is centred on the manner in which it reports on societal issues like drug use and abuse, crime, health issues, politics, et cetera. The study results revealed that both tabloids’ frequency on the coverage of the consumption of nyaope was minimal as part of the requisite contribution towards combating drug use among young people. Furthermore, the study noted that the quality of news reports in both newspapers was truthful, accurate, fair, and balanced. The styles of news reporting indicated that the two newspapers made conscious efforts to avoid deliberate derogatory or discriminating references discriminatory towards nyaope users. In conclusion, the study examined the employment of mechanisms by the South African print media (tabloids) to ensure frequent, non-sensational, informed and detailed reporting, regarding issues on the consumption of illicit drugs particularly nyaope.

Thesis (MPhil)--University of Stellenbosch, 2003 / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Journalism in South Africa has to be looked at in its historical context. South Africa was a country characterised by disparities. The same can be said about the media in this country. Mainstream media concentrated on the priviledged few and projected their views. On the other hand small regional community media aimed at marginalized communities provided a "voice for the voiceless." These small newspapers focused on the disadvantaged, rural and semi-literate communities. As a result of the history of this country, mainstream media neglected the marginalized communities. A need arose for redressing that imbalance and diversifying reporting. Small community newspapers were the means to achieve that. Unfortunately these newspapers fail to attract advertisers for various reasons. A large percentage of the marginalized communities were unemployed and very few could afford to buy newspapers. One copy of a newspaper was shared by between eight (8) and ten (10) people and that meant low circulation figures. The level of literacy was low and those who were literate, had to read to those who could not. The advertising industry was and is still biased and prejudiced against community media. Most small community newspapers died because of these economic factors. This brings about a need for funding of these newspapers. Are funders prepared to pump money without interfering with editorial independence of newspapers? This Assignment sets out to analyse the conflict between the necessity for diversity in reporting (accommodating the previously neglected) and journalistic independence (related to the need for funding). For the purposes of this Assignment, the focus will be on small regional community newspapers in the Eastern Cape, the Border/Kei- area in particular. The purpose of this Assignment is firstly to ascertain whether moves to diversify media/reporting are taking place - an ethical concern. Secondly to establish whether those who fund these newspapers interfere with their content. Various methods of research are used to establish the purpose of the Assignment. Research methodology in use reveals that attempts to diversify the media by focusing on marginalized communities becomes futile. The reason being that those who provide funding directly or indirectly impose their ideas on the newspapers. Small community newspaper then project the ideas of the priviledged people as result of the pressure from funding. It can be concluded that a solution that regards diversity in reporting and editorial independence as ethical principles is necessary (deontological model). That same solution would have to provide consequences that benefit the greatest number of people (utilitarian approach). Such a solution would in essence ensure the survival and sustainability of small regional newspapers and their editorial independence. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Joernalistiek in Suid-Afrika moet binne die historiese konteks beskou word. Die land was gekenmerk deur ongelykhede. Dieselfde norm geld vir die media. Die hoofstroom media wat op die kleiner, bevoorregte groep gekonsentreer het, het uiteraard slegs hul siening geprojekteer. Andersyds is die kantlyn "stom" gemeenskappe tog voorsien van 'n stem deur die klein, gemeenskapsgerigte media. Dié klein koerante het gefokus op semi-geletterde, minder bevoorregte inwoners van die landelike gebiede. Dit was juis hierdie kantlyn gemeenskappe wat om historiese redes verwaarloos was. Die behoefte het dus ontstaan vir die regstelling van die wanbalans en 'n diversifisering van verslaggewing. Kleiner gemeenskapskoerante sou ideaal geskik wees om hierdie doel te bereik. Ongelukkidg misluk hulle om verskeie redes om adverteerders te lok. Die hoë werkloosheidssyfer en gepaardgaande armoede in hiedie kantlyngemeenskappe het koerante onbekostigbaar gemaak vir die meerderheid. Een kopie is deur 8-10 mense gedeel. Dit het op sy beurt die sirkulasiesyfer laat daal. Dié wat kon lees, moes voorlees aan die meerderheid ongeletterdes. Die advertensiewese was en is steeds bevoordeeld teen die klein gemeenskapsmedia. Gevolglik kon hierdie projekte in die verlede om verskeie ekonomiese redes nie oorleef nie. Dit op sy beurt plaas die behoefte vir befondsing onder die soeklig. Die vraag ontstaan nou of sodanige befondsers die redaksionele onafhanklikheid van hierdie media sal respekteer? Hierdie tesis poog om 'n analise te maak van die konflik wat onstaan wanneer aan die een kant gepoog word om alle kantlyn groepe te betrek deur diversifisering en aan die ander kant die befondsing wat bekom moet word sonder om joernalistieke onafhanklikheid prys te gee. Vir die doel van hierdie tesis sal die fokus wees op die klein gemeenskapskoerante in die Oos-Kaap, meer spesifiek die Grens/Keigebied. Die primêre doel van die tesis is, eerstens om vas te stelof daar enige diversifisering plaasvind in die joernalistieke/media area - dit is 'n etiese kwessie. In die tweede plek moet vasgestel word of die befondsers inmeng in die inhoud van die ontvangerkoerante. Verskeie vorms van navorsing word gebruik om bogenoemde doelwite te bereik. Navorsingsmetodiek het bewys dat huidige pogings om te diversifiseer sodat kantlyngemeenskappe betrek kan word, misluk. Die rede hiervoor is dat die befondsers - direk of indirek - hul idees, wat uiteraard die bevoorregte gemeenskap weerspieël, afdwing. Die slotsom is dat enige oplossing gebaseer moet wees op beginsels/reëls wat die meerderheid sal bevoordeel. So 'n oplossing sal aanpasbaar moet wees by omstandighede. Dit moet egter ten alle tye die oorlewing en volhoubaarheid van die klein gemeenskapskoerante en hul redaksionele onafhanklikheid, waarborg.

The study seeks to investigate whether weblogs can act as virtual public spheres, where people can meet to discuss issues of interest to them. It uses the Mail & Guardian Online’s Blogmark as a case study. Weblogs – highly interactive online journals comprised of links and postings in reverse chronological order – are fast becoming an avenue of choice for many internet users wanting to share opinions and news with others online. Because of their unique read-and-write characteristics, some have equated them to the 18th century coffeehouses, around which the early forms of citizen involvement in public affairs began in early capitalist Europe. Despite their growing popularity, however, not much scholarly work has been dedicated to the practice of blogging in Africa, and particularly in South Africa. The study’s theoretical framework is drawn from Jürgen Habermas’s concept of the public sphere. While noting some of the criticisms of the Habermasian model, it is argued that the concept is instrumental in our understanding of the relationship between the media and democracy. The study, however, adopted a re-worked model of the concept of the public sphere. This model argues for the need to have a multiplicity of public sphericules (instead of one single public sphere as advocated by Habermas), around which individuals can congregate to discuss issues of common concern to them. Using a combination of qualitative content analysis, self-completion questionnaires and a semi-structured interview, the study found Blogmark to be an example of how emerging internet genres such as weblogs can be vehicles of citizen involvement in public life. A range of issues were discussed in the blog, from politics, race and ii i gender issues, to personal anecdotes, relationships, and sex. However, while some posts exhibited high levels of interactivity, with many bloggers joining in to offer their opinions, some read like online monologues. The study argues that although blogging is a practice that is still limited to a few privileged individuals, with the everrising size of the ‘blogosphere’, weblogs such as Blogmark are making a small but not insignificant contribution to the number of voices that can be heard in the public realm.

This study examines the evolution of online news strategy in South African and American newspaper companies, and compares the approaches used in the two countries. The Internet has had a major effect on news worldwide, and has contributed to sweeping changes in the news industry in all media. This study looks at the changes and the evolving strategy wrought by online news in the newspaper industry in two countries. In order to do this comparison, a model of the US experience has been constructed, using material published in the US academic and professional journalism press. Since there is no equivalent published material available dealing with the South African experience, interviews were conducted with staff at two newspaper companies (Johnnic and Naspers), and a broad historical overview was created for each company. These “narrative histories” were then compared with the US model, and areas of commonality and difference were highlighted and discussed. Several structural and national differences be tween the two countries were also raised and analysed. Finally, a conclusion as to how applicable the US model is to the South African experience is drawn, and suggestions are made for further study.

Text in Afrikaans / Die navorsingsonderwerp van hierdie proefskrif is ondersoekende joernalistiek en die moontlike of waarskynlike invloed wat die spesifieke joernalistieke praktyk op die proses van sosiale verandering kan uitoefen. Daar word van die aanname uitgegaan dat koerantberigte weens ondersoekende joernalistiek in sommige gevalle kan lei tot die bewusmaking van ongeregtighede en/of onregmatige dade in die samelewing en dat die joernalistieke praktyk 'n bydraende faktor of soms 'n katalisator tot optredes van owerhede en uiteindelik sosiale verandering kan wees. Om die aanname toe te lig, word eerstens gekyk na die betekenis van sosiale verandering. Antwoorde word onder meer gesoek op vrae soos: (i) Wat is sosiale verandering? en (ii) Wat is die invloed van die media op sosiale verandering? Tweedens word daar gekyk na wat ondersoekende joernalistiek behels en hoe dit verskil van veral die konvensionele joernalistieke praktyk. Derdens word 'n profiel van Vrye Weekblad gegee ten einde die koerant as gevallestudie te regverdig. Vierdens word 'n model vir die kwalitatiewe inhoudsontleding van voorbeelde van ondersoekende joernalistiek geformuleer. Vyfdens word die model empiries getoets op ondersoeke wat deur Vrye Weekblad gedoen is. Laastens word gepoog om die teoretiese perspektiewe oor sosiale verandering en die invloed van die media te versoen met die empiriese ontledings van die voorbeelde van ondersoekende joernalistiek in Vrye Weekblad. / The research topic of this thesis is investigative journalism and the possible or probable influence that this specific journalistic practice may have on the process of social change. The study proceeds from the assumption that investigative newspaper reports can in some instances lead to an awareness of injustices and/or illegal actions in society. This form of journalistic practice could therefore be a contributing factor, and in some cases, a catalyst for government action and ultimately social change. To elaborate on this assumption, attention is firstly given to the meaning of social change. In this respect answers to the following questions are sought: (i) What is social change? and (ii) What is the influence of the media on social change? Secondly, attention is given to the characteristics of investigative journalism and how this practice differs from conventional journalism. Thirdly a profile of Vrye Weekblad is offered in order to justify the case study. Fourthly a model for the qualitative content analysis of instances of investigative journalism is formulated. Fifthly this model is tested empirically on investigations undertaken by Vrye Weekblad. Finally an attempt is made to reconcile the theoretical perspectives on social change and the influence of the media with the empirical analyses of investigative journalism in Vrye Weekblad. / Communication Science / D. Litt et Phil. (Kommunikasiekunde)

M.A. University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Humanities (Journalism and Media Studies), 2012 / The relationship between governments and the media has historically been an antagonistic one, and investigative journalism – the material manifestation of the role of the press as fourth estate – is central to this antagonism. In their capacity as the fourth estate, those newspapers that pursue and publish investigative journalism stand in opposition to government. Governments have responded to this opposition in a variety of ways; mostly, however, by way of legislated censorship of the press. In South Africa, the legislation that regulated what newspapers could print under apartheid was unusually vast. In spite of this, major exposés of government corruption – and worse – were seen on the front pages of those publications that pursue investigations into political malfeasance. In South Africa’s post-apartheid democracy, with constitutional protection of the freedom of expression, there has been increasing evidence of what Jackson has called the “embedded qualities of intolerance and secrecy” (1993: 164) in the state’s response to revelations of corruption in the press, culminating in the Protection of State Information Bill that was passed in Parliament in November 2011. The passing of the Bill has resulted in widespread concern about the possibility of legislated, apartheid-style censorship of the media and freedom of expression. I interviewed five editors who were part of exposing state corruption during and after apartheid, in order to establish what motivates their decisions to keep on printing stories that brings them into conflict with the political powers of the day, in spite of the financial consequences for their publications. Regardless of the different political landscapes, the strategies that they followed in order to keep on publishing were remarkably similar, as is their reason for continuing to publish investigative stories: they believe it embodies the role of the press in a democracy. Indicators are that editors will keep on publishing, in spite of attempts by the government to gag the press.