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African pirates in the 21st century : a comparative analysis of maritime piracy in Somalia and NigeriaPrinsloo, Cyril 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This study concerned the piratical attacks occurring along the East and West coasts of Africa. Although maritime piracy along the coasts of Africa is not a new phenomenon, recent upsurges in piratical attacks have attracted a great deal of attention. Despite Nigeria being long considered as the hotspot for piratical activity in Africa, the greatest upsurge of piratical activity has been seen in the areas surrounding Somalia, including the Gulf of Aden and the Indian Ocean.
The primary objective of this study is to identify the main causes of maritime piracy in Somalia and Nigeria. Also the correlation between state capacity (failed or weak) and the motivations for piracy (greed or grievance) is investigated.
The secondary objectives of this study are to investigate the direct manifestations of piracy, as well as the current counter piracy initiatives. This is done in order to evaluate the successes and failures of current counter-piracy approaches in order to create more viable and successful counter measures.
It is found that historical factors, as well as political, economic, social and environmental factors contribute greatly to the rise of maritime piracy in both Somalia and Nigeria. Furthermore, it has been found that there are numerous direct causes of piracy in these two countries. These differences and similarities have been investigated using a comparative analysis framework. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie studie het betrekking tot die seerowery wat langs die Oos-en Weskus van Afrika plaasvind. Alhoewel seerowery langs die kus van Afrika nie 'n nuwe verskynsel is nie, het die onlangse oplewing van seerower-aanvalle baie aandag geniet in verskeie oorde. Ten spyte daarvan dat Nigerië lank beskou was as die probleem-area vir seerower aktiwiteit in Afrika, word die grootste toename van seerowery in die gebiede rondom Somalië, insluitend die Golf van Aden en die Indiese Oseaan ervaar.
Die primêre doel van hierdie studie is om die oorsake van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië te identifiseer. Die verband tussen staat-kapasiteit (mislukte of swak) en die motiverings vir seerowery (gierigheid of griewe) word ondersoek.
Die sekondêre doelwitte van hierdie studie is om die direkte manifestasies van seerowery te ondersoek, sowel as die huidige teen-seerower inisiatiewe. Dit word gedoen om die suksesse en mislukkings van die huidige teen-seerower benaderings te evalueer ten einde meer lewensvatbare en suksesvolle teenmaatreels te skep.
Dit is gevind dat historiese faktore, sowel as die politieke-, ekonomiese-, sosiale- en omgewings- faktore baie bydra tot die ontstaan en opbloei van seerowery in Somalië en Nigerië. Dit is gevind dat daar talle direkte oorsake van seerowery in hierdie twee lande is. Hierdie verskille en ooreenkomste is ondersoek met behulp van vergelykende analises.
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Corruption as a political risk factor for investors in the oil and gas industry, with specific emphasis on Nigeria : identification, analysis and measurementJessen, Lone 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The central research question of this study concerns how corruption as a political risk
factor should be measured in order to provide an accurate assessment of the risk factor
within the oil and gas industry. The aim is to answer this question with the aid and support
of two sub-questions that have been identified as crucial in pursuing this research. The
first sub-question conceptualizes corruption as a political risk factor specifically within the
oil and gas industry. The second sub-question addresses the oil and gas industry-specific
indicators of corruption as a political risk factor. The research embarks upon seven
industry-specific indicators, by isolating the relevant national political structural and
institutional framework, which has proved essential in identifying the level of corruption as
a risk to the oil and gas investor. The indicators are regarded as the most salient variables
that can measure the level of corruption as a political risk in a realistic and practical
approach. The indicators are subsequently systemised into a matrix that is constructed
with the aim of using it as a general measurement tool for oil and gas investors. The study
argues that this measurement tool can be of use to the oil and gas investor as it
contributes to businesses recognition and anticipation of corruption. The matrix is
furthermore applied to the oil and gas industry in Nigeria, in an attempt to test the matrix,
and in order to establish how and to what level corruption constitutes as a political risk
factor for the oil and gas industry in this country. The result of the indicators demonstrates
that the political risk of encountering corruption for the oil and gas investor in Nigeria is of a
high level. This study provides a valid basis of constituting how corruption manifests as a
risk for the oil and gas investor. Furthermore, the applicability of the matrix provides a
practical utility and constructive assessment. This thesis provides a firm foundation for
future research in this field. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die sentrale navorsingsvraag van hierdie studie handel oor hoe korrupsie as 'n politieke
risiko faktor gemeet moet word om 'n akkurate bepaling van die risiko faktor binne die
oilie- en gas industrie te maak. Die doel is om hierdie vraag te beantwoord met die hulp
van twee sub-navorsingsvrae wat geïdentifiseer is essensieël on hierdie navorsing te
voltooi. Die eerste sub-navorsingvraag konseptualiseer korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko
faktor, spesifiek binne die olie en gas industrie. Die tweede sub-navorsingsvraag handel
oor die industrie-spesifieke indikatore van korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor. Die
navorsing is gevestig op sewe industrie-spesifieke indikatore, wat geïsoleer word vanaf
relevante nasionale politieke strukture en institusionele raamwerke, wat essensieël is in
die identifikasie van die vlak van korrupsie as 'n risiko vir die olie en gas belegger. Die
indikatore word beskou as die mees prominente veranderlikes wat die vlak van korrupsie
as n politieke risiko kan meet, as 'n realistiese en praktiese benadering. Die indikatore
word gevolglik geplaas binne 'n raamwerk wat gebou is met die doel om dit te bebruik as
'n algemene maatstaf vir die belegger in die olie-en gas industrie. Hierdie studie
argumenteer dat die maatstaf gebruik kan word in die olie-en gas industrie, siende dat dit
bydrae tot besighede se erkenning en antisipasie van korrupsie. Die maatstaf word verder
toegepas op die geval van die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië, met die doel om dit te toets
en ook om vas te stel tot watter vlak korrupsie as 'n politieke risiko faktor vir die olie-en gas
industrie teenwoordig is in hierdie land. Die resultaat van die indikatore dui daarop dat
daar 'n hoë vlak van politieke risiko vir die olie-en gas industrie in Nigerië bestaan. Die
studie verskaf 'n geldige basis om vas te stel hoe korrupsie in die olie-en gas industrie
manifesteer. Verder, die toepaslikheid van die maatstaf verskaf praktiese bruikbaarheid en
konstruktiewe meeting. Die tesis verskaf 'n stewige basis vir toekomstige navrsing in die
veld.
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The role of the environment in conflict : complex realities in post-civil war NigeriaCoetzee, Wayne Stephen 03 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Nigeria is a country that has witnessed ongoing – albeit sporadic – violent conflict since its independence in 1960 from Britain. A brutal civil war, known as the Biafra war, lasting from 1967 to 1970, was not to end social tensions in this ethnically diverse country. Violent conflict has been an ongoing reality since the end of the Biafra war in 1970. In addition, Nigeria has exhibited substantial environmental degradation and resource scarcity during this time. Hence, this study assesses whether environmental degradation and resource scarcity are independent causes of domestic violent conflict in Nigeria since the end of the Biafra war. Additionally, rich reserves of natural non-renewable resources – in particular the prevalence of oil – are analysed vis-à-vis the degradation and growing scarcity of renewable resources in order to consider the impact both these aspects have on post civil war conflict in Nigeria. In order to achieve this, this study concerns itself primarily with causation. It considers two aspects in this regard. Firstly, it evaluates the assertion that the environment is an independent cause of conflict. That is to say, it investigates the notion that the environment impacts independently on human behaviour. Secondly, it examines the components of the social structure that create conditions that manipulate the environment in such a way that conflict is the ultimate outcome. This study asserts that the agency-structure composite is important to understand in order to examine violent conflict and its relationship with the environment in Nigeria. This relationship-structure-cause premise is examined by using a complex theory framework. Consequently, importance is placed on the causal relationship between violent conflict, environmental degradation and scarcity, natural non-renewable resource dependency and the social, economic and political milieu in which this transpires. This study ascertains that severe environmental change can only be considered a cause of conflict when its impact is considered with other important factors such as economic and political anonymity, which – for the most part – create the milieu in which subsequent violent conflict is the outcome. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Nigerië is 'n land wat deurlopend kan getuig, alhoewel sporadies, dat daar sedert sy onafhanklikheid van Brittanje in 1960, geweldadige konflik was. 'n Brutale burgelike oorlog wat geduur het vanaf 1967 to 1970, het geensins die sosiale spanning ge-eindig vir hierdie etniese diverse land nie. Gewelddadige konflik is 'n deurlopende werklikheid sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog in 1970. Daarbenewens het Nigerië uitgestaan vir hul aansienlike agteruitgang van die omgewing en hulpbron-skaarste gedurende hierdie tyd. Vandaar hierdie studie om te bepaal of die omgewing se agteruitgang en hulpbron-skaarste 'n onafhanklike oorsaak is van binnelandse geweldadige konflik in Nigerië, sedert die einde van die burgeroorlog. Daarby, ryk reserwes van natuurlike nie-hernubare hulpbronne, in die besonder die voorkoms van olie wat betref die agteruitgang en die toenemende skaarsheid van hernubare hulpbronne, word ontleed ten einde die impak van hierdie twee aspekte op post-burgeroorlog konflik in Nigerië te oorweeg. Ten einde dit te bereik, gebruik hierdie studie oorsaaklikheidsleer. Daar is twee aspekte in hierdie verband wat in aanmerking geneem word. Eerstens is die bewering dat die omgewing die onafhanklike oorsaak is van konflik. Dit wil sê, dit ondersoek die idée dat die omgewing 'n onafhanklike impak het op menslike gedrag. Dit ondersoek, tweedens, die komponente van die sosiale struktuur wat die omstandighede skep wat die omgewing op so 'n wyse manipuleer, dat konflik die uiteindelike uitkoms is. Hierdie studie beweer dat die agent-struktuur verhouding belangrik is om te verstaan ten einde geweldadige konflik en die verhouding met die omgewing in Nigerië te ondersoek. Hierdie verhouding-struktuur-oorsaak uitgangspunt is ondersoek deur gebruik te maak van 'n komplekse teorie raamwerk. Gevolglik word die belangrikheid geplaas op die oorsaaklike verband tussen gewelddadige konflik, die agteruitgang van die omgewing en skaarsheid, nie-hernubare afhanklikheid en die sosiale, ekonomiese en politieke milieu waarin dit voorkom. Hierdie studie stel vas dat ernstige omgewingsverandering slegs oorweeg kan word as 'n oorsaak van konflik as die impak daarvan oorweeg word met ander belangrike faktore soos ekonomiese en politieke anonimiteit, wat, vir die grootste deel, die omgewing skep waarin die daaropvolgende geweldadige konflik die uitkoms is.
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