This study examined the effects and expectations of external economic dependence on foreign investment policy outputs with particular reference to the Nigerian experience between 1954 and 1980. Three basic kinds of external economic dependence were studied: foreign investment, the penetration of the Nigerian economy by foreign capital through the agency of the multinational corporations (MNCs); foreign trade, a measure of the Nigerian economy's participation in the world market; and foreign aid (loans and grants), a measure of Nigeria's reliance on financial assistance from governments and international financial inst itutions. For the most part, the level of Nigeria's economic dependence was very high. However, economic dependency is not translated into changes in foreign investment policy in favor of the foreign investors in Nigeria as is predicted by the dependency paradigm. The Nigerian case casts doubt on the dependency paradigm as a framework for fully explaining factors that may determine foreign direct investment policy changes that occur in a less developed Third World country. In other words, the dependency paradigm has a limited explanatory power; there is a factor independent of the economic factor operating out of the control of global capitalism (the center of the center in alliance with the center of the periphery); and that factor is the political process in Nigeria. The web of the Nigerian political process involves the various aspects of its internal functioning such as the manner in which needs, interests and demands are conveyed from the individuals and groups in the country to those performing state duties. Thus, Nigerian policy makers were more influenced by those elements than pure economic considerations treated in isolation.

The Post-colonial era trade relations between Europe and Africa, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries has been regulated by a number of economic cooperation agreements, namely the Yaoundé, Lomé, and Cotonou Conventions to the current Economic Partnership Agreements (EPAs) that had recently been concluded in the ECOWAS and SADC sub regions respectively. The EPAs negotiations have been marred with challenges particularly in Africa; with many countries having responded by not signing Interim EPAs and Nigeria has also stated they will not be concluding the EPA. Nigeria and South Africa have responded to the current negotiations in differing ways nonetheless their responses were somewhat similar. This study will attempt to understand and systematically explain Nigeria’s and South Africa’s positions on the EPAs negotiations process. In order to gain the understanding the study investigates whether EPAs negotiations stalled due to the influence and/or responses of Nigeria and South Africa? The factors involved in the negotiations that may explain the responses. What consequences the principle of reciprocity has on the responses Nigeria and South Africa? This research is going to be desk research using process tracing to systematically analyse the development of the negotiations between the EC and ACP countries particular attention being afforded to Africa and the resulting responses by Nigeria and South Africa. Some of the findings are that in the case of South Africa the principle of reciprocity was not a major factor in shaping South Africa’s responses to the negotiations, whereas the opposite holds true for Nigeria. Regional integration played a major part in the case of Nigeria. / MT2016

This study identified the media frames that dominate Thisday newspaper's coverage of China's engagement with Nigeria and relate these frames to frame sponsors, who articulate and contest these framings. Frame analysis is applied to a sample of 40 news, feature and opinion articles between the sample period of 1 November 2011 and 31 December 2012. The study analysed media content from Thisday newspapers, drawing on the four dimensions of frames identified by Entman: define problems, diagnose causes, evaluate causal agents and their effects, and recommend treatment (Entman 1993). Using an inductive approach to frame analysis, the study identified two overarching mega frames, contested among the ruling elites who sponsor their views on China in the media, which define China's engagement with Nigeria; partner/role model and predator. The two mega frames mirror the broad characterisation prevalent in the academic literature on China in Africa. The primary partner/role model mega frame constructs China's engagement with Nigeria as a mutually beneficial economic partnership while on the other hand the predator mega frame constructs it as unequal and exploitative. The study identified the activities of frame sponsors who are articulating and promoting their views on China's engagement with Nigeria in the media as primarily responsible for these framings. The study also identified the activities of frame sponsors (ruling and economic elites) was key to the exclusion of ordinary peoples' voices, civic organisations, trade unions and human rights organisation in the text. However, the study also attributes the exclusion of ordinary voices, human rights, democracy and civic engagements in the text to the weakness of Thisday journalism in mediating the framings of China being promoted and articulated by elite frame sponsors. This is, however, symptomatic of the fault lines of journalism practice in Nigeria.

China’s economic expansion in recent years is one of the most important geopolitical developments of the 21st century (Mockli, 2007). More interestingly, Africa relations with China continue to be of keen concern to many, precisely because these two countries have been humiliated severely during the years of colonialism. This study examines, to the extent possible, Chinese changing foreign policy and resource diplomacy towards Africa, using Nigeria as a case study specifically looking at socio–economic issues. The study uses the Hegemonic Stability Theory as a framework of analysis. While the method of data collection is premised on existing qualitative and quantitative analysis on Africa–China relations, faceto- face interviews and one telephonic interview with an expert on Africa–China relations were conducted as a method of gathering new data. The present study, finds that China’s economic expansion can be detrimental to Africa in many ways. For instance, China continues to export to Africa cheap manufactured goods, while extracting raw materials to fuel its own industrialization. This situation works against intra–Africa trade, which could potentially address the socio–economic issues facing the continent. However, to maintain its resource supply and stable market, China’s foreign policy of ‘non–interference’ has changed significantly, particularly towards Africa. For example, China recently opened its first military base in Africa. This study argues that, because of the above mentioned arguments, the repercussions of the Africa–China relations could be dangerous for Africa since the continent is not really benefiting from these dealings. Furthermore, this study notes that China is contributing negatively towards the socio–economic development of Nigeria, despite the fact that it provides Nigeria with aid and loans, primarily for infrastructure projects. / Development Studies / M.A. (Development Studies)