Diss.--Phil.-Fak.--München--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, 1989/90. / Bibliogr. p. 297-335.

Th.--Etud. grecques--Montpellier 3, 1988.

M.A. / Description of the topic and major sources The present study consists of a prosopographical examination of a major per-sonality at the turn of the 12th-13th century, before and after the conquest of Constan-tinople by the knights o the Fourth Crusade (1204), based on the major contemporary and later Byzantine sources (Michael and Niketas the Choniatai, Theodore Skoutari-otes, Ephraim of Ainos, Chronicle of the Morea and Geoffrey of Villehardouin), as well as on the available secondary bibliography (specialised articles and major syn-theses by J. Hoffmann, K. Setton, M. Kordoses, R. Radić, A. Savvides, Aneta Ilieva, P. Niaves et alii). The codification of this material puts Sgouros’ career in the right perspective and helps solve various misinterpretations regarding his personality, aims and rôle vis-à-vis his contemporary events. Aims and methodology The existing bibliography refers to various aspects of Sgouros’ meteoric career, yet a complete and analytical study on this topic was still missing. The present dissertation’s aim is to fill this gap by providing a detailed biography of this important independent Greek lord (“archon”),whose activities span between c. 1200 and c. 1208. Moreover, this study also provides information on the family (“oikos”) of the Sgouroi as well as prosopographical data on Leon’s father, Theodore Sgouros –also a local lord in the north-eastern Peloponnese (the Morea) at the close of the 12th century – as well as on his enigmatic brother, Gabriel Sgouros, who seems to have remained ‘phrouriarch’ of Nauplion after Leo’s violent end. Additionally, the dissertation tackles topographical/geographical issues re-garding Sgouros’ advance from the north-eastern Peloponnese to central Greece (“Hellas”), as far north as Thessaly’s capital, Larissa, also providing relevant maps and sketches/photographs. Moreover, it provides sigillographic evidence according to the only surviving lead seal (molybdōboullon) of Leon Sgouros, nowadays in the Athens Numismatic Museum. A brief sketch of Sgouros’ personality and activities A highly controversial figure, Leon Sgouros has been variably characterised an unscrupulous and ambitious local tyrant, but also a heroic adversary against the Latin onslaught and the last defender of medieval Hellenism at the time of the Fourth Crusade and the ensuing first fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders (1204). Although several of this compatriots had placed upon him their hopes for an effective resistance against the Western invaders of Greece, Sgouros would expend most of his energy combating his fellow Greeks, in the course of his desperate attempt to expand his territories northwards, reaching as far as Larissa, the capital of central Greece (Thessaly), only to be repulsed by the advancing latin conquerors of northern Greece at Thermopylai and seek shelter in the steep fortress of Akrocorinth (northeastern Mo-rea), where he was blockaded and besieged for almost four years), c. 1204-c.1208). He eventually perished fighting the Latins either leaping on horseback from the preci-pices of Akrokorinth, or defending his native Nauplion. Evolution of the present study Sgouros’ eventful career is here examined in the following sections: a. His origins, the social-political conditions of his time and the rôle of his family in this context. b. His prevalence in the north-eastern Peloponnese (c.1200-1202/1203). c. His invasion of Attica and Boeotia (capture of Athens -except the Acropolis- and Thebes), as well as of Euboea (1203-1204). d. Arrival in Thessaly (Larissa); pact with ex-emperor Alexios III Angelos, stand in Thermopylae and withdrawal to Akrocorinth (1204) e. Long siege of Sgouros in Akrocorinth by the Latins and his legendary suicide on horseback from the fortress (1204-1208); the alternative version of his assassina-tion outside Nauplion. f. Evaluation of his personality according to the testimony provided by the primary sources as well as by modern scholars (negative criticisms, but also positive as-pects). Sgouros’ real contribution to the attempt for the survival of medieval Hel-lenism. g. The above sections roughly correspond to the chapters of the present dissertation.

M.A. / A study is conducted into the roles of women living in the late Byzantine period between the 6th Century to 1453, using demotic or ‘popular’ poetry which can be quite significant in shedding some light into Byzantine history and society. An in depth analysis of these songs is carried out and compared to valid historical texts in order to create a proper account on history. Some questions that will be examined are as follows: How did women fit into society? What was their expected role? Did they ever go beyond their conventional role? Were they treated differently at different stages or circumstances in their life? Do the clues that are found in these songs correspond to the previously written historical texts that were predominantly written by men? It is no secret that, women portrayed in historical texts which refer to that period, were subjugated to the men in their lives and had very different roles to their partners, fathers, or brothers. Using demotic poetry, one is able to understand the voice of common folk and their worldview, thereby collecting accounts of the society’s ideas and ideals at grassroots level. A collection of about 20 songs has been gathered for this study and each song has been analysed in detail alone and in its contexts. It is tremendously interesting to discover how important women were in their society and how they often seem to have influenced men’s behaviour indirectly.

The present essay entitled as “The Christian empire of the Roman East and the kingdom of Axum from Constantine the great to Justinian” aims to investigate the political, economical and military interconnection between the early Byzantine Empire and the kingdom of Axum - during the period from 324 to 565 A. D. as well as to point out the influence exerted on Axum thereby. All through the introduction part, the criteria of setting the time limits in the essay, with regard to the Byzantine and Axum history, are exposed. In addition, a reference to the primary and side historical sources is made furthermore, the methodology used and the restricted area in which it is confined, are specified. The difficulties that arouse during the elaboration and the presentation of the material are also mentioned. Finally the title of the essay is justified and further clarification concerning the terminology is provided. The first chapter proposes a general review of the historical course of the kingdom of Axum, starting from the 1st century A. D., when the first reference to the city of Axum appears to have been made, to the close of the 6th century. The intercourse between the people of Axum and the Greco-Roman world is initially underlined as in succession to the bounds priory forged by the Ptolemies and Hellenistic Egypt. The Greek influence on the foundations of the civilization of Axum is therefore attested. Another theory is also framed; it claims that the fact that Axum made its mark as a great eastern power in the Red sea is closely associated with the promotion of the Greco-roman interests in this particular area. Further to this, Axum’s historical course from the 4th to the 6th post-christian century presented, a period mainly marked by the formal recognition of christianism in both Byzantium and Axum. There is a reference to the dominant leading figure of the kingdom of Axum during the 4th century, Ezana, as well as to his part in the Axum’s conversion to Christianity. A Graeco- Tyrian’s man contribution, named Frumentius, to this procedure was indeed decisive; he promoted the diffusion of christianism from his position as the underage king’s guardian and actual administrator of the state cases. At this point of this chapter a mention in the second most significant moment in the history of Axum is made, the one that initiates at the close of the 5th century by Tazena and is brought to completion during the 6th century, that is, during the reign of his son Caleb or Ella Asbeha. It‘s only then that Axum plays a leading role in southern Arabia bringing the state of the Himyarites under its control and converting it to Christianity. These facts of the 6th century being considered as the most critical factors for the relations between Byzantium and Axum take up a very important place throughout the whole essay and are fully developed in the third and last subdivision of the first chapter. The historical review concludes with the present of the events that led to losing control in S. Arabia and to the 198 submission of the latter to Persian control. From that point on the relations between Byzantium and Axum loosen up until they are irreversibly broken off after the Arabian expansion and possession of Egypt in the 7th century. The state of Axum was confined to its African part and was actually cut off from trade activities in the East. The second chapter looks into the relationships between the Byzantine Empire and Axum. We consider the conversion of the country to Christianity as the peak point in its evolution and historical course. Therefore, in the introductory part of this chapter, we refer to the circumstances under which the conversion took place. Rating the country’s position , in regard to the sea routes of the eastern trade , as of major significance for the Byzantine interests and considering that the Byzantium ‘s posture associated directly to the Byzantine – Persian rivalry we speak of cite the connection between these two great empires as well as the correlation of the forces in the wider area. Within this context we place the conversion of Axum which we consider as an event of great political and economical significance. We the relations between Byzantium and Axum begin based on economicalcommercial grounds, as it is believed that this kind of contact has been the main pattern on which the rest of the contacts unfolded. The great importance of agricultural economy for Axum is ascertained, yet its tremendous growth is linked to trade activities. Moving on in the chapter the part Axum played as far as the Byzantine interests in the Red sea are concerned is investigated. It is believed that the two countries’ benefit were not at all opposed to each other, on the contrary, the two powers took action within the same space in a supplementary way and the port of Adoulis developed into a famous trading port for the product of the East to be promoted to the Byzantine markets. The people of Axum are reckoned to have passed over the Yemenites in this role mostly because the Jewish penetration into the Yemeni nation, which rendered them too precarious to be Byzantine allies. The proposition made to Caleb by Justinian for a commercial and military collaboration against the Persian interests is substantial evidence of the aforesaid relations. Axum appears to have played a smaller part with regard to the relations between the Byzantines and the Blemmyes and Nobades. As a conclusion to this attempt at investigating this economic intercourse, there is a reference to the direct commercial contact between the two countries’ citizens, as these emerge in texts and documents of that time. The second part of the first chapter deals with the military relations between Byzantium and Axum. These relations are considered to be of great significance on the grounds that Byzantium in many cases often foresaw the potentially active military power of Axum, which could be used as a lever of pressure. Initially we set out the belief that the Graeco-roman world was never opposed to Axum’s strengthening, to which, on the contrary, it has never been given great support as likey as not. Following up, we try to pinpoint possible challenges between the two countries, investigating the incidents that connect to Frumentiu’s imprisonment and the Axumite’s presence in Palmyra. We believe that Axum was never against Byzantium but it never made common cause with it directly, either. It did, however, back up the Byzantine interests in an indirect way. We can sustain this allegation in regard to the operations against the Blemmyes, who caused far less troubles to the southern border of the Byzantine empire in Egypt, when they were under the control of Axum. In 199 the last part of the chapter about military relations, an elaborate mention of the military activity of the Axumites in southern Arabia during the 6th century is made. These operations aimed at restraining the Jewish extension towards the state of the Himyarites, which would be prejudicial to both Ethiopian and Byzantine interests. The Axumites’ activation in this area emerged as a result of formal collaboration with the Empire. The Homeritic state was converted to christianism and was put under Axum’s control. As a Christian nation ventured expeditions with the intention of controlling the tribes in the centre and north of the Arabian peninsula, who are at great service for the Byzantine empire. The third part of the second chapter is dedicated to political relations. These relations tie in closely with the general competition between the Byzantine- Persian Empire. Therefore, Byzantium used Axum as an allied power. It is claimed that the conversion of Axum was a political choice, promoted by Byzantium, in an attempt to arm itself against the Persian threat. On the other hand, this choice is secured the political and economical interests of Axum, which at the same time sought after the preservation of its independence. This chapter concludes with the examination of the diplomatic relations between the two states it refers to their intercourse during the 4th and 6th, certified by the sources. We ascertain that their contacts were based on the religious kindred of the two countries. The Byzantine emperor approached the king of Axum counting on his alleged role as the protector of the Christians all over the world, demonstrating his paternal concern. The impressions left by these contacts were determinative of the Axumites’ view of things, although their actual results were scanty. They prove, however, how important it was for the Byzantine to form a common Christian front as a checking mechanism against the Persian aspirations on the territory. The third chapter of the essay examines the Byzantine influence that is believed to have proceeded from Byzantium to Axum. It is originally detected in the field of economy, in connection with the currency, the weights and measures in commercial use, the economical set up and commissariat as well in taxation. Further to this we establish various similarities in the way institutions are formed and function. These similarities are pinpointed in the monarchy constitution and particularly in the ideology that associates with the king’s figure and power, his presence, the titles in which he is addressed and the process that lead him to the royal office. Moreover, the noble council that surrounded the king presents great resemblance to the Byzantine “senate”. Little influence on the military set-up and commissariat is thought likely, as well. Finally, the part of the Byzantine effect is visible in the organization of the Church, which also works as vehicle of a wide range of effects on Axum. Such influence can be found in the state’s political set-up, in both central and provincial government. In addition, through the study of legislative sources, we can ascertain an effect on legislation and dispensation of justice. The judicial powers, at the head of which is the king himself, along with some of his officials, appears to have received the influence stemming from the Byzantine equivalent. Moreover, the legislation, as far as both its principals and procedural system are concerned, has been greatly influenced by Christian ethics as well as by the contemporary Byzantine legislative codes. Moving further in this chapter, we detect the effects on the ideology, political and social. At this point, it becomes clear that many of the fundamental ideas of the Byzantine ideology can be found into the Axumite’s beliefs. Such ideas refer 200 to the sacredness of the king, the state’s origins and role, which is believed to be universal. Axum’s self-awareness and particularly the perception of their position among other nations has likewise been affected by Byzantium. At this point we refer to the way the Byzantines saw Axum. Due to serious lack of historical evidence regarding the society of Axum, we can spot very little influence in their social ideology. This chapter concludes with a pinpointing of the influence on the way Axum organized its diplomatic protocol and performed foreign policy. The essay closes with the last part, the conclusion where the main deductions are concisely recapitulated; the deductions to which we were led during our study on the character and role of this state in the international scenery of that time. / Prof. B. Hendrickx

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No description available.

Contrairement à la diaspora des intellectuels et des manuscrits grecs en Occident au XVème siècle, le rôle joué par les savants byzantins à Constantinople après la conquête ottomane de 1453 est un sujet encore peu connu. Dans le premier chapitre de ma thèse je dresse un tableau de Constantinople avant et après la Chute, tout en soulignant le développement de l’idéologie impériale ottomane et l’importance des réseaux marchands et des archontes grecs en tant qu’intermédiaires entre la cour ottomane et le Patriarcat. Le deuxième chapitre se concentre sur la présence grecque dans la cour ottomane de Mehmed II. J’aborde en particulier le cosmopolitisme culturel dans la cour à partir de l’intérêt ottoman pour l’héritage culturel byzantin, qui est attesté aussi par la circulation des savants byzantins et de quelques manuscrits grecs. La deuxième partie de la thèse est consacrée au rhéteur et copiste Jean Dokeianos, un personnage représentatif de la transition byzantine-ottomane. J’offre une édition commentée de ses ouvrages rhétoriques inédits, écrits pour les membres de la dernière cour byzantine de Mistra. Initialement proche de Pléthon, il s’approcha au cercle anti-unioniste de Gennadios Scholarios après son déplacement à Constantinople autour de 1460, où il travailla pour le Patriarcat et pour la cour ottomane. Dans le dernier chapitre je présente l’éclectique collection manuscrite de Dokeianos et son activité de copie à Mistra et à Constantinople, tout en proposant des nouvelles identifications. Dans l’appendice j’offre une édition de quelques ouvrages Byzantines inédits de la moitié du XVème siècle écrites par des auteurs liés à différents égards à Dokeianos / Unlike the XVth century diaspora of Byzantine intellectuals and Greek manuscripts to the West, the role played by Byzantine scholars in Constantinople in the aftermath of the Ottoman conquest in 1453 is still a little-explored subject. In the first chapter of my dissertation I provide an overview of the conditions of Constantinople before and after the conquest, discussing the emergence of an Ottoman imperial ideology and the importance of Greek merchant networks and Greek archons as intermediators between the Ottoman court and the Patriarchate. The second chapter focuses on the Greek presence in the Ottoman court during Mehmed II’s reign. In particular, I address cultural cosmopolitism in the sultan’s court by looking at the Ottoman interest for the Byzantine cultural legacy, which is also attested by the circulation of Byzantine scholars and by a number of Greek manuscripts in the Ottoman court. The second part of the dissertation is devoted to the rhetorician and copyist John Dokeianos, a representative figure of the Byzantine-Ottoman transition. I provide a commented edition of his unedited rhetorical works written for members of the Byzantine court of Mistra. Formerly close to Pletho, he became close to the anti-Unionist circle of Gennadios Scholarios when he moved to Constantinople around 1460, where he worked for both the Patriarchate and the Ottoman court. In the last chapter I discuss Dokeianos’ eclectic book collection and his copying activities in Mistra and Constantinople, proposing new manuscripts identifications. In the appendix I provide an edition of some unedited XVth century Byzantine works written by authors connected in various degrees to Dokeianos.

This dissertation analyzes the preservation of Byzantine culture, memory, and identity after 1453 by a network of aristocratic Byzantine women. By integrating art history, history, and anthropology to follow the lives, social networks, and patronage patterns of these women, this project examines the cultural contributions of this small, yet remarkable population. The first chapter discusses Anna Palaiologina Notaras, who perpetuated Byzantine culture through texts and images in Venice. By negotiating between the Byzantine émigrés and the Venetian authorities, she secured unprecedented privileges and recognition for the marginalized community. The second chapter centers on Zoe (Sophia) Palaiologina, niece of Emperor Constantine XI, who was raised as an exile at the papal court. In 1472, she married the Grand Duke of Moscow and became a vital translator among the visual languages of Byzantium, Italy, and Russia. Through her entourage, objects, and familial connections, the princess solidified Moscow’s connection to the fallen Byzantium. Chapter three focuses on Cantakuzina (Catherine) and Mara Branković, daughters of Serbian Despot, George Branković. In 1435, Mara married Ottoman Sultan, Murad II and became stepmother to Mehmed II, conqueror of Constantinople. Throughout her life, she participated in a series of diplomatic efforts, which allowed her to become a patron of Byzantine culture within the confines of the Ottoman Empire. Mehmed II relied on Mara to validate symbolically his rule in the eyes of his Byzantine subjects, for whom she was a de-facto spokeswoman. Mara and Cantakuzina negotiated peacefully between Mehmed, the Venetians, Athonite monastics, and prominent post-Byzantine figures. Chapter four discusses Helena Palaiologina, another niece of Constantine XI, and her daughter Charlotte. In 1442, Helena married John II of Cyprus, and became Queen of Cyprus, Armenia, and Jerusalem. Helena applied her power to welcome an important group of post-1453 refugees to Cyprus. Charlotte was forced into exile and ended her life at the papal court, to which she gifted a number of valuable objects. Together, Helena and Charlotte helped preserve the Byzantine imperial traditions of philanthropy and diplomatic gift giving. This dissertation contributes to early modern women’s studies and provides a more nuanced understanding of cultural perpetuation. / 2020-01-25

Inaug.-Diss.--Cologne. / Vita. Bibliography: p. 210-212.