Titre de l'écran-titre (visionné le 12 janvier 2024) / Le présent mémoire souhaite offrir une synthèse historique des échanges musicaux entre le monde byzantin et l'Occident latin durant le haut Moyen Âge. Notre objectif général est de nous concentrer sur le phénomène de l'échange en lui-même pour en approfondir la connaissance et ainsi apporter un éclairage nouveau à l'étude des échanges culturels entre le monde byzantin et l'Occident altomédiéval. Notre analyse est centrée sur les connexions politiques qui, en leur temps, furent le vecteur des transferts culturels. Cette analyse poursuit ainsi les sous-objectifs suivants :1) offrir une synthèse des éléments musicaux d'origine byzantine musicaux attestés dans le répertoire musical latin entre le VIIᵉ et le IXᵉ siècle. 2) Mieux comprendre la notion d'échange musical à la lumière de l'influence politique et culturelle de l'Orient byzantin sur les royaumes d'Occident au cours des VIIᵉ et VIIIᵉ siècles;

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This thesis examines the interaction between the conflicting ideologies of crusade and commerce, during the period when the Turkish maritime emirates of Anatolia became the primary target of western crusading endeavour. Through the close study of papal documents and archival evidence from the Italian mercantile republics, two principal areas are focussed on: firstly, the extent to which the temporal and spiritual mechanisms (e.g. trade licences and indulgences) introduced by the popes of the fourteenth century encouraged the Italian mercantile republics to participate in a crusade; secondly, the analysis of the policies of commercial exchange and military opposition adopted by the Latin states with regard to the Turks in the Aegean. The crusades in the Aegean are discussed in six chapters which broadly reflect the activities of the principal participants: 1) crusade negotiations during the pontificates of Clement V and John XXII: distractions to an Aegean crusade under Clement V; extrication from French influence under John XXII; gradual replacement of Byzantium as a target of the Aegean crusades during the 1320s; and the temporal and spiritual concessions granted by the popes to those Latin resisting the Turks in the Aegean; 2) the Zaccaria of Chios: their defence of the Aegean from Turkish attacks and the privileges they received from the papacy for this; 3) Venetian commercial activities in the Aegean: their alliances with and activities against the various Turkish emirates; 4) the 1334 naval league: the first anti-Turkish coalition; 5) the neglect of the Aegean crusades under Pope Benedict XII (1335-1342); 6) the Crusade of Smyrna and the climax of Latin efforts against the Turks in the first half of the fourteenth century (1343-1351). Although trade and crusade have often been regarded as incompatible by historians of the crusades (such as Stephen Runciman and Aziz Atiya), they both formed an integral, and inseparable, aspect of crusade policy and of western perceptions of the Turks.

In this dissertation, I claim that Gregory Palamas' teaching on the uncreated light of the transfigured Christ is best understood when interpreted through the category of theophany, namely, the appearance or vision of God. For Palamas, the Transfiguration is the theophany which manifests the full implications of the hypostatic union. As a revelation of the uncreated divinity of Christ (the vision of God), the Transfiguration anticipates, makes present, and partially effects the eschatological deification that takes place fully in the face to face vision of God. Palamas' teaching on the Transfiguration as theophany synthesizes insights from the Eastern patristic tradition regarding theology of revelation, deification, and eschatology. Palamas' theology of the Transfiguration and theophany presupposes a theophanic and therefore Christocentric economy of salvation which sees the Son of God as the theophanic mediator between God and man beginning with creation, through the theophanies of the Old Testament, and culminating in his Incarnation and the face to face vision of God in the fully glorified Christ in the eschaton. Palamas' theology of revelation (essence and energies), deification, and eschatology cannot be properly understood without taking into account their theophanic foundation. Furthermore, I claim that Palamas' synthesis of the Eastern patristic tradition concerning the Transfiguration and theophany can aid Roman Catholic theology in recovering a series of insights concerning the Transfiguration as the vision of God in this life contained in its shared patristic heritage with the Christian East. Central to this claim is that Thomas Aquinas' teaching on the Transfiguration and theophany is inadequate for the task of such a retrieval (his view of theophany does not permit it) and that Palamas' synthesis can show Roman Catholic theology the way back to its theophanic Eastern patristic heritage. / McAnulty College and Graduate School of Liberal Arts; / Theology / PhD; / Dissertation;

Il est communément admis que, vers l’année 95 de notre ère, l’apôtre Jean fut exilé à Patmos par l’empereur Domitien. C’est sur cette île que Jean l’Évangéliste aurait écrit l’Apocalypse. Puis, après avoir traversé le premier millénaire après Jésus-Christ dans l’indifférence, c’est au XIe siècle, sous la domination byzantine, que Patmos reprend vie avec l’arrivée du moine Christodoulos, à qui Alexis Ier Comnène a cédé l’île. Il y fait bâtir en 1088 le monastère de Saint-Jean-le-théologien. On assiste alors à une profonde mutation de l’île, qui vécut désormais au rythme du monastère, d’où le titre de notre thèse : « île-monastère ». Notre travail part de cette fondation et se propose d’étudier l’activité de l’île jusqu’à l’occupation ottomane au XVIe siècle. Au cours de ces cinq siècles, Patmos connaît les dominations successives des Byzantins et des Vénitiens, mais contre vents et marées le monastère veille à rester indépendant. Nous nous interrogerons sur les moyens employés par les moines pour rester maîtres de leur île et sur les conséquences qui en découlèrent, sur les plans économique et culturel. / History and economy of a monastery-island: Patmos (11th - 16th century). It is widely accepted that around the year 95 A.D, John the apostle was sent to exile to Patmos by the emperor Domitian. John the Evangelist is said to have written the Apocalypse on this island. From the next 1000 years or so, the island was treated with relative indifference by outsiders. It was in the 11th century, under Byzantine rule, that the island of Patmos came to life with the arrival of the monk Christodoulos to whom emperor Alexis I Comnenos gave the island. There, in the year 1088, he had the monastery St John the Theologian built.It was at this point that the island underwent a radical transformation, its daily life being dictated by the rhythm of the monastery, hence the title of our thesis : "monastery-island".This lays the foundation of our work which offers a study of the activity of the island up until the Ottoman occupation in the 16th century. For the next five centuries, Patmos is subjected to the successive Byzantine and Venitian dominations, however the monastery makes sure to remain independant. We will thus reflect upon the means used by the monks to maintain control over their island, along with both the economical and cultural consequences that arose from them.

Texte remanié de: Th. Ph. D.--Hist.--University of Chicago, 1986. Titre de soutenance : The politics of usurpation in the seventh century : the reign of Phocas. / Bibliogr. p. 187-205. Index.

Texte remanié de: Tesa di dottorato. Titre de soutenance : Le anacreontee della Silloge Barberiniana.

Thesis--Uppsala. / Bibliography: p. [151]-154.

The scholarship on female basileia in the Byzantine Empire is generally spilt into two polarized camps, divided over how to reconcile female agency within a patriarchal society. The crux of the issue is how these women achieved power and how their power was perceived. Did the emulation of men elevate these women or was their imperial worth tied exclusively to their aspects of their femininity? The disparity in contemporary scholarship often ignores the idea of a middle ground. Imperial women achieved a remarkable degree of power, yet they still existed within a male centered, almost misogynistic context. The frequency and relative consistency with which these powerful women appear in the historical record bars them from being categorized as anomalies. In approaching the issue of early Byzantine empresses, I was very aware of the parallels in gender construction with female saints. The simultaneous masculinization and feminization of these women served to further distinguish them from women as a whole. They were unattainable paragons, their success largely determined by their adherence to a feminine version of the imperial persona. While emperors had long since developed a public persona to favorably communicate their imperial power, it wasn’t until the advent of the Christian Empire in the East that we see a pattern of imperial women with access to genuine imperial power. Though still existing within a relentlessly androcentric society, imperial women were able to negotiate rather than negate their gender to secure power within a Christian imperial structure. I examine three empresses, Pulcheria (398-453 CE), Theodora (500-548 CE), and Irene (752-803 CE), in the hopes of illuminating their claims to imperial power while also placing them in the context of a larger historical tradition.